Fri. August 12, 12:10h
The Government of Timor-Leste, through the Secretariat of State for Youth and Sports, organized several activities to celebrate International Youth Day on August 12. The activities began on the 6th and went up to the 12th of this month.
According to the Director-General of the Secretariat of State for Youth and Sports, José Luís Pádua de Oliveira, the purpose of these initiatives is the training of young boys and girls for a responsible leadership and civic health. The celebrations are based on the theme "I am ready to contribute to sustainable development" as youth are the future of the country.
Competitions in indoor soccer, conversations, hiking, musical concerts and donating blood were planned initiatives.
A competição de futebol salão reúne dezasseis clubes sediados em Díli: FC Comade Delta II, FC Leão The competition brought together sixteen indoor soccer clubs based in Dili: FC Comade Delta II, FC Leão Balide FC Haburas Surik Mas, FC Neptuno Comoro, FC Manumeta Bidau, FC RGM Raikotu, FC One Box Brother Taibesse, FC Virtu Vila-Verde, FC União Bela-Vista Palácio Lahane, FC Jocar’s Perumnas, FC Rumbia Caicoli, FC Jobla Unidos Lahane, FC Rusa Fuik, FC Reibeira Maloa and FC Fitun Kulu-hun.
The awarded prizes for first, second, third and fourth ranked, were prizes worth 1,000, 750, 500 and 250 american dollars respectively.
The colloquium aimed to bringing together members of the secondary schools council in Dili and was held between August 10 and 12. In this colloquium several issues were discussed, such as youth development in the present and future, climate change, the leadership with the nationalist spirit, the National Youth Policy, the Youth Parliament, the National Youth Council and the principle of the practice of martial arts.
On International Youth Day itself, August 1,2 there was a walk, a musical concert and blood donation.
Source : http://timor-leste.gov.tl/?p=5493&lang=en&n=1
Friday, 19 August 2011
Thursday, 3 February 2011
The Dili Village Telco
David Rowe and Lemi Soares
A Village Telco is a DIY telephone company that uses mesh Wifi and VOIP to build telephone networks without infrastructure like cell phone towers or land lines. The goal of the Village Telco project is to provide affordable telephony for people in the developing world. It is built entirely with open software and hardware.
The Dili Village Telco is the world's first roll out of Village Telco technology. We are deploying 100 Mesh Potatoes to implement a free local call telephone network in Dili, the capital city of Timor Leste, one of the poorest countries in Asia. Mobile and fixed phone service is available in Dili but simply too expensive for the average Timorese.
A Village Telco is built from low cost, rugged Wifi telephony devices called Mesh Potatoes. Each Mesh Potato provides a single fixed telephone line to the end user, and is connected to other Mesh Potatoes via a mesh Wifi network. Mesh Potatoes are robust to developing world environmental conditions (e.g. accidental abuse, weather, static damage, poor electricity supply) and are designed for low power consumption.
The Mesh Potato is an "open hardware" design and runs Linux and other open source software. The Village Telco team designed the Mesh Potato specifically for our needs - custom, open, hardware for the developing world.
The Dili Village Telco project is gathering important technical, social, and business model data for the Village Telco. This project is being support by ISIF and ISOC grants and Atcom, who have manufactured a special batch of Mesh Potatoes for this project.
In this presentation we will talk about the roll out - what went right with technology and more importantly what went wrong! We will also present the social and business outcomes - i.e. how did this project change peoples lives and how can we make Village Telco networks sustainable businesses for local people in the developing world.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
A Village Telco is a DIY telephone company that uses mesh Wifi and VOIP to build telephone networks without infrastructure like cell phone towers or land lines. The goal of the Village Telco project is to provide affordable telephony for people in the developing world. It is built entirely with open software and hardware.
The Dili Village Telco is the world's first roll out of Village Telco technology. We are deploying 100 Mesh Potatoes to implement a free local call telephone network in Dili, the capital city of Timor Leste, one of the poorest countries in Asia. Mobile and fixed phone service is available in Dili but simply too expensive for the average Timorese.
A Village Telco is built from low cost, rugged Wifi telephony devices called Mesh Potatoes. Each Mesh Potato provides a single fixed telephone line to the end user, and is connected to other Mesh Potatoes via a mesh Wifi network. Mesh Potatoes are robust to developing world environmental conditions (e.g. accidental abuse, weather, static damage, poor electricity supply) and are designed for low power consumption.
The Mesh Potato is an "open hardware" design and runs Linux and other open source software. The Village Telco team designed the Mesh Potato specifically for our needs - custom, open, hardware for the developing world.
The Dili Village Telco project is gathering important technical, social, and business model data for the Village Telco. This project is being support by ISIF and ISOC grants and Atcom, who have manufactured a special batch of Mesh Potatoes for this project.
In this presentation we will talk about the roll out - what went right with technology and more importantly what went wrong! We will also present the social and business outcomes - i.e. how did this project change peoples lives and how can we make Village Telco networks sustainable businesses for local people in the developing world.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Letter on issuing visas to U.S. in Dili
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
U.S. Department of State
Washington, DC
via fax
February 2, 2011
Dear Secretary of State Clinton,
We are writing to you about the inability of East Timorese citizens to obtain visas to the United States at the U.S. Embassy in Dili. We urge to you to take action to remedy this situation as quickly as possible.
The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) worked to develop understanding and cooperation between the peoples of the United States and Timor-Leste for nearly 20 years. Since independence nearly eight years ago, we have paid close attention to U.S. government efforts to build strong U.S. relationships with the new nation of Timor-Leste. We believe that the current situation is having a negative impact on that relationship.
For many years, ETAN has hosted and met with Timorese here in the U.S. We have brought a number of them to visit and speak with community groups and public officials. The lack of proper consular facilities in Dili has resulted in delays, frustration and added cost to these trips. Frankly, East Timorese are forced to waste too much time and money by having to travel to Jakarta for their interviews, where they often confront unsympathetic officials with little understanding of the situation in Timor-Leste. Unfortunately, some who are well-qualified to receive visas are turned down.
There is no need for these obstacles to valuable cultural, educational and other exchanges with the United States, which lead many East Timorese to question this treatment as second-class.
In the past , we have been told that the delay in opening visa facilities in Dili is due to the cost. Last year, the U.S. was Timor-Leste's second-largest aid donor, and more than $100 million is in the pipeline for the next few years. This aid provides vital support for government and international NGO programs for health, education and good governance, but it cannot overcome stories of bad personal experiences with the excessively burdensome visa process.
We believe a small investment in issuing visas in Dili would greatly pay off in increased good will between the peoples of our two countries.
We understand that most or all U.S. officials closely involved with Timor-Leste favor this. We urge you to make it happen.
Sincerely,
John M. Miller
National Coordinator, East Timor and Indonesia Action Network
cc:
Ambassador Judith Fergin
Kurt S. Campbell, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Janice L. Jacobs, Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs
Joseph Y. Yun, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
members of Congress
public
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Support ETAN in 2011. Make a contribution here http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm
Thank you for your support.
U.S. Department of State
Washington, DC
via fax
February 2, 2011
Dear Secretary of State Clinton,
We are writing to you about the inability of East Timorese citizens to obtain visas to the United States at the U.S. Embassy in Dili. We urge to you to take action to remedy this situation as quickly as possible.
The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) worked to develop understanding and cooperation between the peoples of the United States and Timor-Leste for nearly 20 years. Since independence nearly eight years ago, we have paid close attention to U.S. government efforts to build strong U.S. relationships with the new nation of Timor-Leste. We believe that the current situation is having a negative impact on that relationship.
For many years, ETAN has hosted and met with Timorese here in the U.S. We have brought a number of them to visit and speak with community groups and public officials. The lack of proper consular facilities in Dili has resulted in delays, frustration and added cost to these trips. Frankly, East Timorese are forced to waste too much time and money by having to travel to Jakarta for their interviews, where they often confront unsympathetic officials with little understanding of the situation in Timor-Leste. Unfortunately, some who are well-qualified to receive visas are turned down.
There is no need for these obstacles to valuable cultural, educational and other exchanges with the United States, which lead many East Timorese to question this treatment as second-class.
In the past , we have been told that the delay in opening visa facilities in Dili is due to the cost. Last year, the U.S. was Timor-Leste's second-largest aid donor, and more than $100 million is in the pipeline for the next few years. This aid provides vital support for government and international NGO programs for health, education and good governance, but it cannot overcome stories of bad personal experiences with the excessively burdensome visa process.
We believe a small investment in issuing visas in Dili would greatly pay off in increased good will between the peoples of our two countries.
We understand that most or all U.S. officials closely involved with Timor-Leste favor this. We urge you to make it happen.
Sincerely,
John M. Miller
National Coordinator, East Timor and Indonesia Action Network
cc:
Ambassador Judith Fergin
Kurt S. Campbell, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Janice L. Jacobs, Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs
Joseph Y. Yun, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
members of Congress
public
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Support ETAN in 2011. Make a contribution here http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm
Thank you for your support.
Tuesday, 25 January 2011
Challenges in the Education System
S I S T E R R I T A ’ S L E T T E R 2011
RAILACO
Challenges in the Education System
Difficult Transition from High School to University
Our Class 3 students sat for the senior secondary national exam in October and recently received their results. They are still waiting to receive their official certificate without which they are unable to enter University. I really feel for them. Not only was the exam brought forward from November to October with only a few weeks’ notice but they have had the long wait for results and they keep coming to school every day hoping that their certificates have arrived. Af ter the results had been announced the national university, (UNTL) and the only one subsidized by the Government, changed its entrance requirements. The minimum score was raised to 30 or higher and only 2010 school graduates would be accepted for enrolment. Anyone who had allowed a year or more to elapse between completion of secondary schooling and application for university would not be accepted. This was a big blow to many, including some of our students, who had taken a year off to either work on the family farm or to try and gain some money to help with either further education or their family. There has been a follow-on effect also: the private, and much more expensive universities, now have many more applications from students who had graduated from schools prior to 2010 and have earned some money to pay fees. 2010 graduates who missed out on entrance to UNTL found the only faculties available to them were civil engineering and nursing. While both professions are important it is sad to see students taking them because there is nothing else available.
Inequities in the Local Education System
The marks students gain in their final exams are quite perplexing. Secondary teachers correct the papers and swap schools within their District for this purpose. However, they know the school whose students’ papers they are correcting. This leaves an avenue for corruption wide open! While there is no proof of this happening there are plenty of rumours! Certainly, we are often amazed at the quality of the students who do well and vice versa. Some of the private universities are now conducting their own entrance examinations but the results of these are even more bewildering! I am so pleased that donations to our scholarship programme are enabling all students, who apply, to undertake some tertiary course. During these past two weeks, right up until the evening before I had to leave for Australia, students were coming to request funds. One has to admire their tenacity. Obtaining enrolment often requires them taking a trip to Dili, trudging from tertiary institute to tertiary institute, trying to get back from Dili in the pouring rain, receiving the necessary funds and then returning to Dili, hitching a ride if the microlets are too full or not running. If they would only channel this determination, persistence and motivation into their school studies!
---
Frustrating at times, but a rewarding year for us all . .
The above scenario of the frustrations of the Timorese education ‘system’ fade in comparison to other challenges to be faced this year. Class 3 students have to be taught in Portuguese (presumably having been taught in Portuguese right through every class until this one!!!). The teachers are still learning Portuguese during the school ‘holidays’. These past holidays they were to have training in their particular subject area in Portuguese. Our Economics teacher related to me that when he asked the ‘trainer’ an economic question the reply was that the trainer didn’t know anything about economics he just spoke Portuguese! In our school, which is typical in many ways to schools in the Districts and to many in Dili, the teachers had undertaken their own education in Indonesian. They are acquiring Portuguese inadequately, and with little motivation, from poorly equipped ‘teachers’ of Portuguese. There are still no text books in Portuguese for Class 3. The present cohort of students have not acquired Indonesian and their level of Portuguese would vary little in quality and scope from that of their teachers. The Class 3 teachers described their class procedure, with some sense of humour, as that of teachers using Indonesian text books, which they explain in Tetun to their students to prepare them for subject examinations in Portuguese! When teachers are asked why they don’t revolt they reply that they are scared of losing their contract teaching salary from the Government. That, I think, is almost the saddest part of all.
While I am conscious that this letter is a little late in coming I am doing better than the Ministry for Education – two weeks after school starting we still don’t have a school calendar giving us the official school starting date!
Rita
For the Railaco Mission Team
http://web.me.com/mmus/files/PDF/RailacoLetterSisterRitaNo1-2011.pdf
RAILACO
Challenges in the Education System
Difficult Transition from High School to University
Our Class 3 students sat for the senior secondary national exam in October and recently received their results. They are still waiting to receive their official certificate without which they are unable to enter University. I really feel for them. Not only was the exam brought forward from November to October with only a few weeks’ notice but they have had the long wait for results and they keep coming to school every day hoping that their certificates have arrived. Af ter the results had been announced the national university, (UNTL) and the only one subsidized by the Government, changed its entrance requirements. The minimum score was raised to 30 or higher and only 2010 school graduates would be accepted for enrolment. Anyone who had allowed a year or more to elapse between completion of secondary schooling and application for university would not be accepted. This was a big blow to many, including some of our students, who had taken a year off to either work on the family farm or to try and gain some money to help with either further education or their family. There has been a follow-on effect also: the private, and much more expensive universities, now have many more applications from students who had graduated from schools prior to 2010 and have earned some money to pay fees. 2010 graduates who missed out on entrance to UNTL found the only faculties available to them were civil engineering and nursing. While both professions are important it is sad to see students taking them because there is nothing else available.
Inequities in the Local Education System
The marks students gain in their final exams are quite perplexing. Secondary teachers correct the papers and swap schools within their District for this purpose. However, they know the school whose students’ papers they are correcting. This leaves an avenue for corruption wide open! While there is no proof of this happening there are plenty of rumours! Certainly, we are often amazed at the quality of the students who do well and vice versa. Some of the private universities are now conducting their own entrance examinations but the results of these are even more bewildering! I am so pleased that donations to our scholarship programme are enabling all students, who apply, to undertake some tertiary course. During these past two weeks, right up until the evening before I had to leave for Australia, students were coming to request funds. One has to admire their tenacity. Obtaining enrolment often requires them taking a trip to Dili, trudging from tertiary institute to tertiary institute, trying to get back from Dili in the pouring rain, receiving the necessary funds and then returning to Dili, hitching a ride if the microlets are too full or not running. If they would only channel this determination, persistence and motivation into their school studies!
---
Frustrating at times, but a rewarding year for us all . .
The above scenario of the frustrations of the Timorese education ‘system’ fade in comparison to other challenges to be faced this year. Class 3 students have to be taught in Portuguese (presumably having been taught in Portuguese right through every class until this one!!!). The teachers are still learning Portuguese during the school ‘holidays’. These past holidays they were to have training in their particular subject area in Portuguese. Our Economics teacher related to me that when he asked the ‘trainer’ an economic question the reply was that the trainer didn’t know anything about economics he just spoke Portuguese! In our school, which is typical in many ways to schools in the Districts and to many in Dili, the teachers had undertaken their own education in Indonesian. They are acquiring Portuguese inadequately, and with little motivation, from poorly equipped ‘teachers’ of Portuguese. There are still no text books in Portuguese for Class 3. The present cohort of students have not acquired Indonesian and their level of Portuguese would vary little in quality and scope from that of their teachers. The Class 3 teachers described their class procedure, with some sense of humour, as that of teachers using Indonesian text books, which they explain in Tetun to their students to prepare them for subject examinations in Portuguese! When teachers are asked why they don’t revolt they reply that they are scared of losing their contract teaching salary from the Government. That, I think, is almost the saddest part of all.
While I am conscious that this letter is a little late in coming I am doing better than the Ministry for Education – two weeks after school starting we still don’t have a school calendar giving us the official school starting date!
Rita
For the Railaco Mission Team
http://web.me.com/mmus/files/PDF/RailacoLetterSisterRitaNo1-2011.pdf
Thursday, 12 August 2010
National Youth Forum
Commemorating International Youth Day in Timor-Leste
On August 12-13, a National Youth Forum will be convened, as part of the Youth Radio for Peace Building Project. The project – for youth, by youth, and about youth – is being implemented by Search for Common Ground (SFCG), and is funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).
The Youth Forum will bring together more than 70 youth leaders (between the ages of 17-29) from all 13 of Timor-Leste’s districts. The Youth Forum will be held at the ex-CNRT facility in Balide, starting on August 12th, International Youth Day. The Youth Forum will also officially launch the International Year of Youth in Timor-Leste.
The Youth Forum will use be facilitated using an innovative methodology called Open Space Technology (OST) to stimulate youth discussion on issues relevant to youth in the country, specifically related to conflict transformation. The Youth Forum will engage youth leaders on topics and themes that are important to Timorese youth, helping youth identify constructive solutions to shared challenges. The issues discussed and feedback from the youth forum will provide SFCG and its media partners with valuable material for creative production of its soonto- be launched youth radio magazine program, Babadok Rebenta!, a key component of the Youth Radio for Peace Building Project. In addition, the National Youth Forum will provide youth the opportunity to develop strong networks as a means to coordinate around issues affecting youth. Finally, the results of the Youth Forum will inform key stakeholders in government and civil society about youth aspirations and challenges, as they develop youth and peace building strategies in Timor-Leste.
For more information about the National Youth Forum or the Youth Radio for Peace Building Project, please contact Jose C. Guterres, SFCG-TL Program Manager: +670 725-3877.
On August 12-13, a National Youth Forum will be convened, as part of the Youth Radio for Peace Building Project. The project – for youth, by youth, and about youth – is being implemented by Search for Common Ground (SFCG), and is funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).
The Youth Forum will bring together more than 70 youth leaders (between the ages of 17-29) from all 13 of Timor-Leste’s districts. The Youth Forum will be held at the ex-CNRT facility in Balide, starting on August 12th, International Youth Day. The Youth Forum will also officially launch the International Year of Youth in Timor-Leste.
The Youth Forum will use be facilitated using an innovative methodology called Open Space Technology (OST) to stimulate youth discussion on issues relevant to youth in the country, specifically related to conflict transformation. The Youth Forum will engage youth leaders on topics and themes that are important to Timorese youth, helping youth identify constructive solutions to shared challenges. The issues discussed and feedback from the youth forum will provide SFCG and its media partners with valuable material for creative production of its soonto- be launched youth radio magazine program, Babadok Rebenta!, a key component of the Youth Radio for Peace Building Project. In addition, the National Youth Forum will provide youth the opportunity to develop strong networks as a means to coordinate around issues affecting youth. Finally, the results of the Youth Forum will inform key stakeholders in government and civil society about youth aspirations and challenges, as they develop youth and peace building strategies in Timor-Leste.
For more information about the National Youth Forum or the Youth Radio for Peace Building Project, please contact Jose C. Guterres, SFCG-TL Program Manager: +670 725-3877.
Wednesday, 5 May 2010
Timor Government won't meet with Woodside over gas plans
ABC
Timor Government won't meet with Woodside over gas plans
Woodside executives plan to travel to East Timor to convince the government to accept the company's proposal of a floating platform for liquifying gas from Greater Sunrise. [ABC]
Sara Everingham
Last Updated: Mon, 3 May 2010 10:56:00 +1000
East Timor's Government says it won't meet executives from the Australian oil and gas company Woodside to discuss the development of the Greater Sunrise fields between East Timor and Australia.
Woodside executives plan to travel to East Timor to convince the government to accept the company's proposal of a floating platform for liquifying gas from Greater Sunrise.
But the government won't meet them.
It says Woodside will have to stick to the accepted channels for negotiation and deal with East Timor's petroleum regulator.
East Timor's Government wants the gas processed onshore in East Timor.
A source close to the government source says Woodside has underestimated East Timor's ability to strike a fair deal and says the Woodside visit holds little credibility in East Timor because the company has a dubious history of dealing with developing nations.
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Support ETAN make a contribution: Go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm
Thank you for your support.
Timor Government won't meet with Woodside over gas plans
Woodside executives plan to travel to East Timor to convince the government to accept the company's proposal of a floating platform for liquifying gas from Greater Sunrise. [ABC]
Sara Everingham
Last Updated: Mon, 3 May 2010 10:56:00 +1000
East Timor's Government says it won't meet executives from the Australian oil and gas company Woodside to discuss the development of the Greater Sunrise fields between East Timor and Australia.
Woodside executives plan to travel to East Timor to convince the government to accept the company's proposal of a floating platform for liquifying gas from Greater Sunrise.
But the government won't meet them.
It says Woodside will have to stick to the accepted channels for negotiation and deal with East Timor's petroleum regulator.
East Timor's Government wants the gas processed onshore in East Timor.
A source close to the government source says Woodside has underestimated East Timor's ability to strike a fair deal and says the Woodside visit holds little credibility in East Timor because the company has a dubious history of dealing with developing nations.
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Support ETAN make a contribution: Go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm
Thank you for your support.
Thursday, 25 March 2010
The Tasi Tolu Exhumations
The case for a CAVR/CTF follow-up mechanism has been given new urgency by the recent find of more remains of human rights victims on the outskirts of Dili and the equally startling discovery that Timor-Leste has no regulations to govern construction on sites of significance. As Dili is in the grip of an unprecedented building boom, with some 1400 companies registered in the construction sector, legislation and the establishment of an oversight mechanism are urgently needed.
This month, 9 sets of human remains were exhumed at the Tasi Tolu site of the future Pelican Paradise hotel west of Dili. The discovery follows exhumations of 16 Santa Cruz victims last year. Initial forensic reports confirm that the Tasi Tolu remains were the victims of extra-judicial executions, possibly from the late 70s-early 80s. The bodies were trussed hand and foot and buried in pits prepared by mechanical ditch-diggers. Bullets were found at the scene, indicating that the victims were executed at the site. The burial site is therefore also a crime site. This also means that, like Tasi Tolu area itself, the site is a place of emotional and historical significance in Timor’s costly struggle for independence.
The discovery has already yielded some positive lessons. The most important of these has been the goodwill and respective contributions of the key stakeholders. The company has cooperated with the exhumations, an important precedent for other developers, although it is not known what, if any, steps will be taken to commemorate the site. Prime Minister Gusmao and his government have provided funding. Members of parliament and the community have taken a close interest and visited the site. Forensic experts have been engaged to ensure that the process is professionally managed, a welcome advance on damaging efforts some years ago when well-intentioned amateurs handled remains from 1999. Finally, it is said that the location of the site is due to a tip-off some years ago by Indonesian military sources. Each of these elements, not least –if true – the information from Indonesian sources, has been critical to the outcome and will be vital to future work of this kind which is only just beginning.
The process, however, has also revealed some serious policy shortcomings and the urgent need for regulations. Timor-Leste has no building regulations to protect or preserve sites of historic, political or cultural significance and to govern building on such sites. UNTAET Regulation 2000/19 (Section 6) on Protected Places provided that the Transitional Administrator, under a directive, may designate monuments, buildings and other sites as property of cultural, artistic or historic significance to the people of Timor-Leste, but this provision has not been translated into contemporary legislation. Such legislation would be clearly in the spirit of the Constitution which, although it does not mention sites, devotes four Articles to the Valorisation of Resistance (Section 11).
The CAVR Report Chega! contains some 14 recommendations that deal directly or indirectly with memorialisation. The most relevant can be found at 3.2.1-3.3.1; 3.7.7 and 12.12. In summary, these call for families to be assisted to locate and re-bury relatives and for significant sites to be registered and memorialised in some way. CAVR took a broad view of memorialisation. In this sense, the concept should be comprehensive enough to cover both sites of human rights violations like the ex-Balide Comarca and Hotel Flamboyan in Baucau (development of its notorious back section is on hold) as well as sites that are historically significant in other respects such the site of the new Palacio Presidencial and Hotel Turismo (currently undergoing renovation).
To this point, however, these timely recommendations have not been acted on. No register of sites or authority exist which companies should consult prior to development or if a discovery is made. The Parliament’s Committee A is currently preparing legislation to establish a CAVR/CTF follow-up mechanism whose terms of reference will most likely include a national memorialisation program. It is to be hoped that this important initiative is speedily enacted and that the Gusmao government uses this legislative and institutional framework to respond to the important issues raised by the Tasi Tolu case.
Comment on Taci Tolu exhumations
Pat Walsh, 22 March 2010
This month, 9 sets of human remains were exhumed at the Tasi Tolu site of the future Pelican Paradise hotel west of Dili. The discovery follows exhumations of 16 Santa Cruz victims last year. Initial forensic reports confirm that the Tasi Tolu remains were the victims of extra-judicial executions, possibly from the late 70s-early 80s. The bodies were trussed hand and foot and buried in pits prepared by mechanical ditch-diggers. Bullets were found at the scene, indicating that the victims were executed at the site. The burial site is therefore also a crime site. This also means that, like Tasi Tolu area itself, the site is a place of emotional and historical significance in Timor’s costly struggle for independence.
The discovery has already yielded some positive lessons. The most important of these has been the goodwill and respective contributions of the key stakeholders. The company has cooperated with the exhumations, an important precedent for other developers, although it is not known what, if any, steps will be taken to commemorate the site. Prime Minister Gusmao and his government have provided funding. Members of parliament and the community have taken a close interest and visited the site. Forensic experts have been engaged to ensure that the process is professionally managed, a welcome advance on damaging efforts some years ago when well-intentioned amateurs handled remains from 1999. Finally, it is said that the location of the site is due to a tip-off some years ago by Indonesian military sources. Each of these elements, not least –if true – the information from Indonesian sources, has been critical to the outcome and will be vital to future work of this kind which is only just beginning.
The process, however, has also revealed some serious policy shortcomings and the urgent need for regulations. Timor-Leste has no building regulations to protect or preserve sites of historic, political or cultural significance and to govern building on such sites. UNTAET Regulation 2000/19 (Section 6) on Protected Places provided that the Transitional Administrator, under a directive, may designate monuments, buildings and other sites as property of cultural, artistic or historic significance to the people of Timor-Leste, but this provision has not been translated into contemporary legislation. Such legislation would be clearly in the spirit of the Constitution which, although it does not mention sites, devotes four Articles to the Valorisation of Resistance (Section 11).
The CAVR Report Chega! contains some 14 recommendations that deal directly or indirectly with memorialisation. The most relevant can be found at 3.2.1-3.3.1; 3.7.7 and 12.12. In summary, these call for families to be assisted to locate and re-bury relatives and for significant sites to be registered and memorialised in some way. CAVR took a broad view of memorialisation. In this sense, the concept should be comprehensive enough to cover both sites of human rights violations like the ex-Balide Comarca and Hotel Flamboyan in Baucau (development of its notorious back section is on hold) as well as sites that are historically significant in other respects such the site of the new Palacio Presidencial and Hotel Turismo (currently undergoing renovation).
To this point, however, these timely recommendations have not been acted on. No register of sites or authority exist which companies should consult prior to development or if a discovery is made. The Parliament’s Committee A is currently preparing legislation to establish a CAVR/CTF follow-up mechanism whose terms of reference will most likely include a national memorialisation program. It is to be hoped that this important initiative is speedily enacted and that the Gusmao government uses this legislative and institutional framework to respond to the important issues raised by the Tasi Tolu case.
Comment on Taci Tolu exhumations
Pat Walsh, 22 March 2010
Timor security 'close' to taking over
ABC News
Timor security 'close' to taking over
Posted 3 hours 28 minutes ago
The Australian Defence Force Chief says he believes East Timorese forces will be able to take full responsibility for the country's security in the near future.
The number of Australian troops in East Timor has been recently reduced to 400.
Air Chief Marshal Angus Houston says the East Timorese military are continuing to improve their professionalism.
He has told Australia Network that he is confident they will be able to take care of their own security.
"I think as we look forward they'll reach that stage in the not too distant future," he said.
"What we're seeing at the moment is the United Nations transition a lot of the police stations around Timor Leste to the Timorese police service."
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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Timor security 'close' to taking over
Posted 3 hours 28 minutes ago
The Australian Defence Force Chief says he believes East Timorese forces will be able to take full responsibility for the country's security in the near future.
The number of Australian troops in East Timor has been recently reduced to 400.
Air Chief Marshal Angus Houston says the East Timorese military are continuing to improve their professionalism.
He has told Australia Network that he is confident they will be able to take care of their own security.
"I think as we look forward they'll reach that stage in the not too distant future," he said.
"What we're seeing at the moment is the United Nations transition a lot of the police stations around Timor Leste to the Timorese police service."
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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Wednesday, 24 March 2010
Renewed calls for war crimes tribunal in East Timor
roduced by Michael Kermode
Audio here: http://www.thewire.org.au/audio/timorFINAL_3%2741web.mp3
A human rights group in East Timor has renewed its calls for an international tribunal for crimes against humanity committed by Indonesian occupation forces from 1975-1999. Earlier this month, the President, Jose Ramos Horta, repeated that a tribunal was unnecessary and support was marginal. But the group, the Timor-Leste National Alliance for an International Tribunal, with the support of a large group of victims, say they are sending a clear message that despite their leader's reluctance, widely unpopular criminal impunity should come to an end. However, the degree of support within Timor for a tribunal is questioned by some, who claim that bilateral and economic relations may come up trumps over justice in the end. Featured in story: Justice John Dowd, President International Commission of Jurists Australia; and Dr Clinton Fernandes, Senior Lecturer in Strategic Studies at the University of New South Wales.
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Audio here: http://www.thewire.org.au/audio/timorFINAL_3%2741web.mp3
A human rights group in East Timor has renewed its calls for an international tribunal for crimes against humanity committed by Indonesian occupation forces from 1975-1999. Earlier this month, the President, Jose Ramos Horta, repeated that a tribunal was unnecessary and support was marginal. But the group, the Timor-Leste National Alliance for an International Tribunal, with the support of a large group of victims, say they are sending a clear message that despite their leader's reluctance, widely unpopular criminal impunity should come to an end. However, the degree of support within Timor for a tribunal is questioned by some, who claim that bilateral and economic relations may come up trumps over justice in the end. Featured in story: Justice John Dowd, President International Commission of Jurists Australia; and Dr Clinton Fernandes, Senior Lecturer in Strategic Studies at the University of New South Wales.
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Tuesday, 23 March 2010
Norwegian Refugee Council in Timor-Leste
22.03.2010 | news Newsdesk
Press release from the Norwegian Embassy in Indonesia
The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has done a tremendous effort to help the country out of the crisis that followed the 2006 riots. A massive refugee problem, involving more than 10% of the population, was facing the tiny nation as the citizens had to flee their homes, or they lost their homes which were put on fire.
NRC started work in Timor-Leste in November 2006, with funds from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Since then, NRC has built 595 transitional shelters in five different locations, in order to help internally displaced people (IDP's) to move from tented camps, such as Hospital IDP camp into temporary shelters. NRC has also rehabilitated a health clinic in Dili and five offices for the UN dialogue teams.
All transitional camps have now been closed. Further, NRC has built 5 youth centres, supporting youth without a job for training and encouragement in their lives. The last youth centre was opened in Dili 17 March 2010. Finally, since March 2009, NRC has been working with reconstruction/rehabilitation and teacher training for up to 30 schools in rural areas, so benefitting the most disadvantaged communities by ensuring sustainable access to education.
Mr. Alfredo Zamudio, and his very dedicated team, can look back at remarkable results achieved under very difficult circumstances. NRC will end their mission in Timor-Leste within 2010. Their dedicated leader Alfredo Zamudio works hard, with support from the Norwegian Embassy Section in Dili, to ensure that the work done by NRC, and their organisation built up during these years, may be carried on in a sustainable way by the Government of Timor-Leste.
Original news source:
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Press release from the Norwegian Embassy in Indonesia
The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has done a tremendous effort to help the country out of the crisis that followed the 2006 riots. A massive refugee problem, involving more than 10% of the population, was facing the tiny nation as the citizens had to flee their homes, or they lost their homes which were put on fire.
NRC started work in Timor-Leste in November 2006, with funds from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Since then, NRC has built 595 transitional shelters in five different locations, in order to help internally displaced people (IDP's) to move from tented camps, such as Hospital IDP camp into temporary shelters. NRC has also rehabilitated a health clinic in Dili and five offices for the UN dialogue teams.
All transitional camps have now been closed. Further, NRC has built 5 youth centres, supporting youth without a job for training and encouragement in their lives. The last youth centre was opened in Dili 17 March 2010. Finally, since March 2009, NRC has been working with reconstruction/rehabilitation and teacher training for up to 30 schools in rural areas, so benefitting the most disadvantaged communities by ensuring sustainable access to education.
Mr. Alfredo Zamudio, and his very dedicated team, can look back at remarkable results achieved under very difficult circumstances. NRC will end their mission in Timor-Leste within 2010. Their dedicated leader Alfredo Zamudio works hard, with support from the Norwegian Embassy Section in Dili, to ensure that the work done by NRC, and their organisation built up during these years, may be carried on in a sustainable way by the Government of Timor-Leste.
Original news source:
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Beyond the Truth: Can Reparations Move Peace and Justice Forward in Timor-Leste?
by Leigh-Ashley Lipscomb
Abstract
After hundreds of years as a Portuguese colony and then decades of Indonesian occupation, Timor-Leste (East Timor) finally became independent in 2002. Since then, Timor-Leste has been in the process of building itself as a sovereign nation, fighting to shake off its tumultuous past. Timor-Leste must now decide how best to resolve issues stemming from a brief civil war and Indonesian invasion and occupation (1975-1999), including grave human rights violations on all sides of the conflict. Human rights trials in both Timor-Leste and Indonesia have produced unsatisfying results, but two separate truth commissions recommended reparations--both intrastate and interstate--as a key element of reconciliation and healing. Critical questions remain, however, concerning the value, scope, and implementation of a reparations program within Timor-Leste or between Indonesia and Timor-Leste. Only a sincere, informed, and transparent decision-making process will result in a reparations program that could be a significant and successful part of moving peace and justice forward.
AsiaPacific Issues, No. 93
Publisher: Honolulu: East-West Center
Publication Date: March 2010
Pages: 12
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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[This message was distributed via the east-timor news list. For info on how to subscribe send a blank e-mail to info@etan.org. To support ETAN see http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm ]
Abstract
After hundreds of years as a Portuguese colony and then decades of Indonesian occupation, Timor-Leste (East Timor) finally became independent in 2002. Since then, Timor-Leste has been in the process of building itself as a sovereign nation, fighting to shake off its tumultuous past. Timor-Leste must now decide how best to resolve issues stemming from a brief civil war and Indonesian invasion and occupation (1975-1999), including grave human rights violations on all sides of the conflict. Human rights trials in both Timor-Leste and Indonesia have produced unsatisfying results, but two separate truth commissions recommended reparations--both intrastate and interstate--as a key element of reconciliation and healing. Critical questions remain, however, concerning the value, scope, and implementation of a reparations program within Timor-Leste or between Indonesia and Timor-Leste. Only a sincere, informed, and transparent decision-making process will result in a reparations program that could be a significant and successful part of moving peace and justice forward.
AsiaPacific Issues, No. 93
Publisher: Honolulu: East-West Center
Publication Date: March 2010
Pages: 12
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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Report on the needs of families of the Missing in Timor-Leste
This is a report of recent research in Timor-Leste to understand what families of those missing as a result of the conflict seek in response to their victimhood. Whilst the authorities deny the need for prosecutions and talk of 'social justice', rights agencies insist that victims seek prosecutions: neither however has sought the views of ordinary victims. This study uses qualitative research methods with a representative sample of victims, using a list collected by ICRC over a 30 year period serving as a sampling frame. It aims to determine both what victims seek a decade after the end of conflict and their attitude towards those transitional justice mechanisms that have taken place, essentially a victim-centred evaluation of that process.
This research also aims to inform the ongoing process towards the creation of an institution to implement the recommendations of both CAVR and the CTF.
The report can be found at:
http://www.simonrobins.com/Robins%20-%20Needs%20of%20families%20of%20the%20Missing%20in%20Timor.pdf
I would very much welcome any comments or feedback.
Simon Robins.
--
_____________________________________________________________________
Simon Robins www.simonrobins.com
Post War Reconstruction and Development Unit, University of York
Tel: +1 646 881 7828 (US)
Tel: +44 (0)7795 575086 (UK)
_______________________________________________
Queries about this post should be sent to the poster NOT THE LIST. PLEASE DO NOT SEND PERSONAL REPLIES TO THE LIST.
This research also aims to inform the ongoing process towards the creation of an institution to implement the recommendations of both CAVR and the CTF.
The report can be found at:
http://www.simonrobins.com/Robins%20-%20Needs%20of%20families%20of%20the%20Missing%20in%20Timor.pdf
I would very much welcome any comments or feedback.
Simon Robins.
--
_____________________________________________________________________
Simon Robins www.simonrobins.com
Post War Reconstruction and Development Unit, University of York
Tel: +1 646 881 7828 (US)
Tel: +44 (0)7795 575086 (UK)
_______________________________________________
Queries about this post should be sent to the poster NOT THE LIST. PLEASE DO NOT SEND PERSONAL REPLIES TO THE LIST.
Monday, 22 March 2010
East Timor photos charm
March 19th, 2010
THE beauty of East Timor is on show as a new exhibition of photographs opens in Darwin tonight.
Former and present Darwinites Kate Sieper and Vicki Kerrigan are exhibiting pictures they took during a visit last year to encourage tourists to visit our impoverished neighbour, and to raise funds for a charity there.
Some of the most beautiful shots show the area around the fishing village of Tutuala, in the far east of East Timor.
Kerrigan, an ABC radio host, said she and Sieper, who works in the Prime Minister's office, caught a fisherman's boat for $US5 to Jaco Island, across the clear green waters, and found themselves quite alone.
"You are quite literally on a deserted island with some of the best snorkelling I have done in my life," she said.
"You don't even need polaroid sunnies (to see the sea glow green) - that's just what it looks like."
If tourists are seeking an off-the-track holiday, Kerrigan said this is as good a place than any.
"There's nobody there. There's just fishermen, virtually no tourists. It is untouched.
"It's such a poor country that even when we went to this eco-resort there was no water to drink.
"We were drinking Timorese coffee for three days.
"It just makes it part of the experience, and you have to be prepared for that when you travel in a country that has suffered as a result of occupation and war."
The exhibition will raise money for the charity Love Life and health, which does education, sanitation and agriculture work in East Timor.
Viva! Happy snaps of Timor Leste opens at CCAE Gallery, Harriet Place, Darwin, March 19.
http://www.ntnews.com.au/article/2010/03/19/133111_entertainment.html
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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THE beauty of East Timor is on show as a new exhibition of photographs opens in Darwin tonight.
Former and present Darwinites Kate Sieper and Vicki Kerrigan are exhibiting pictures they took during a visit last year to encourage tourists to visit our impoverished neighbour, and to raise funds for a charity there.
Some of the most beautiful shots show the area around the fishing village of Tutuala, in the far east of East Timor.
Kerrigan, an ABC radio host, said she and Sieper, who works in the Prime Minister's office, caught a fisherman's boat for $US5 to Jaco Island, across the clear green waters, and found themselves quite alone.
"You are quite literally on a deserted island with some of the best snorkelling I have done in my life," she said.
"You don't even need polaroid sunnies (to see the sea glow green) - that's just what it looks like."
If tourists are seeking an off-the-track holiday, Kerrigan said this is as good a place than any.
"There's nobody there. There's just fishermen, virtually no tourists. It is untouched.
"It's such a poor country that even when we went to this eco-resort there was no water to drink.
"We were drinking Timorese coffee for three days.
"It just makes it part of the experience, and you have to be prepared for that when you travel in a country that has suffered as a result of occupation and war."
The exhibition will raise money for the charity Love Life and health, which does education, sanitation and agriculture work in East Timor.
Viva! Happy snaps of Timor Leste opens at CCAE Gallery, Harriet Place, Darwin, March 19.
http://www.ntnews.com.au/article/2010/03/19/133111_entertainment.html
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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Wednesday, 17 March 2010
E.Timor still waiting for Indonesia apology: president
(AFP) – March 16, 2010
TOKYO East Timor's President Jose Ramos-Horta said Tuesday that Indonesia still needs to apologise for its brutal occupation of the half-island even if relations between the neighbours have improved.
"The only thing still missing is an apology... by those who were directing all the suffering," Ramos-Horta told reporters during a visit to Japan.
East Timor gained formal independence in 2002 after a bloody 24-year occupation by Indonesia that led to the deaths of up to 200,000 people.
A reconciliation commission established jointly by East Timor and Indonesia found in 2008 that while gross human rights abuses were committed by Indonesian forces, there should be no more trials and no further arrests.
Nobel Peace laureate Ramos-Horta, despite having lost three siblings in the conflict, has been opposed to the establishment of an international tribunal for crimes committed during the 1975-1999 occupation.
Indonesia's former president Abrurrahman Wahid apologised when he visited East Timor in 2000 but successive leaders including current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono have stopped short of an apology, instead expressing regret.
The government in Dili has been pursuing a policy of appeasement with Jakarta, its biggest trade partner and an active supporter of East Timor's membership bid for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
"We have excellent relations with Indonesia... Normalising relations with Indonesia was decisive for our own peace and stability, and integrating in the region," said Ramos-Horta.
But "it doesn't mean that we do not respect the suffering of the victims. Our state does not want to put the burden of helping the victims on anyone else, in this case Indonesia. We seek to help all the victims."
Ramos-Horta on his visit also met Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and energy sector executives. He also secured 700 million yen (7.7 million dollars) in grant aid for forest preservation and renewable energy projects.
The half-island state is one of the world's poorest countries and heavily dependent on natural gas exports. It was battered by plummeting energy prices during the global economic downturn.
Ramos-Horta is due to visit the city of Hiroshima to participate in a forum on nuclear disarmament.
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
TOKYO East Timor's President Jose Ramos-Horta said Tuesday that Indonesia still needs to apologise for its brutal occupation of the half-island even if relations between the neighbours have improved.
"The only thing still missing is an apology... by those who were directing all the suffering," Ramos-Horta told reporters during a visit to Japan.
East Timor gained formal independence in 2002 after a bloody 24-year occupation by Indonesia that led to the deaths of up to 200,000 people.
A reconciliation commission established jointly by East Timor and Indonesia found in 2008 that while gross human rights abuses were committed by Indonesian forces, there should be no more trials and no further arrests.
Nobel Peace laureate Ramos-Horta, despite having lost three siblings in the conflict, has been opposed to the establishment of an international tribunal for crimes committed during the 1975-1999 occupation.
Indonesia's former president Abrurrahman Wahid apologised when he visited East Timor in 2000 but successive leaders including current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono have stopped short of an apology, instead expressing regret.
The government in Dili has been pursuing a policy of appeasement with Jakarta, its biggest trade partner and an active supporter of East Timor's membership bid for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
"We have excellent relations with Indonesia... Normalising relations with Indonesia was decisive for our own peace and stability, and integrating in the region," said Ramos-Horta.
But "it doesn't mean that we do not respect the suffering of the victims. Our state does not want to put the burden of helping the victims on anyone else, in this case Indonesia. We seek to help all the victims."
Ramos-Horta on his visit also met Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and energy sector executives. He also secured 700 million yen (7.7 million dollars) in grant aid for forest preservation and renewable energy projects.
The half-island state is one of the world's poorest countries and heavily dependent on natural gas exports. It was battered by plummeting energy prices during the global economic downturn.
Ramos-Horta is due to visit the city of Hiroshima to participate in a forum on nuclear disarmament.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Wednesday, 3 March 2010
Timor - village phone project
Mon, 1 March 2010
4.5 Mb 128 kbps mono 4 minutes 52 seconds.
David Rowe talks about a revolutionary concept to provide a cheap (virtually free) digital telephony netwwork for remote communities in Timor Leste
Direct download: aDavidRoweTL.mp3
Category: Latin Radical -- posted at: 2:08 PM
Posted in Timor Leste
http://vensol.blogspot.com/2010/03/timor-village-phone-project.html
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
4.5 Mb 128 kbps mono 4 minutes 52 seconds.
David Rowe talks about a revolutionary concept to provide a cheap (virtually free) digital telephony netwwork for remote communities in Timor Leste
Direct download: aDavidRoweTL.mp3
Category: Latin Radical -- posted at: 2:08 PM
Posted in Timor Leste
http://vensol.blogspot.com/2010/03/timor-village-phone-project.html
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Victoria helps set up Timor business lobby
The Age
Victoria helps set up Timor business lobby
March 3, 2010
VICTORIAN industry groups are pushing to open new markets in East Timor - one of Australia's poorest neighbours - and set up a local lobby to give a stronger voice to Timorese business.
Peter McMullin, of the Victorian Employers' Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VECCI), will go to East Timor today to finalise plans for an inaugural meeting of East Timor's national commercial lobby, expected to be held next month.
To be known as the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Timor Leste, the organisation has been set up with help from Victoria and plans to link the local business community to the Timorese government.
East Timor's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao sought the assistance of Victoria to create a Timorese business association, following the appointment of former premier Steve Bracks as his special adviser.
Business links to East Timor are not extensive but are thought to have significant potential, with Victoria home to the largest East Timorese population in Australia.
VECCI also led a trade mission to East Timor last September with representatives from the building, legal and tourism industries.
The East Timor chamber of commerce is expected to hold its first congress in early April.
DANIEL FLITTON
Victoria helps set up Timor business lobby
March 3, 2010
VICTORIAN industry groups are pushing to open new markets in East Timor - one of Australia's poorest neighbours - and set up a local lobby to give a stronger voice to Timorese business.
Peter McMullin, of the Victorian Employers' Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VECCI), will go to East Timor today to finalise plans for an inaugural meeting of East Timor's national commercial lobby, expected to be held next month.
To be known as the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Timor Leste, the organisation has been set up with help from Victoria and plans to link the local business community to the Timorese government.
East Timor's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao sought the assistance of Victoria to create a Timorese business association, following the appointment of former premier Steve Bracks as his special adviser.
Business links to East Timor are not extensive but are thought to have significant potential, with Victoria home to the largest East Timorese population in Australia.
VECCI also led a trade mission to East Timor last September with representatives from the building, legal and tourism industries.
The East Timor chamber of commerce is expected to hold its first congress in early April.
DANIEL FLITTON
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Victoria helps set up Timor business lobby
March 3, 2010
VICTORIAN industry groups are pushing to open new markets in East Timor - one of Australia's poorest neighbours - and set up a local lobby to give a stronger voice to Timorese business.
Peter McMullin, of the Victorian Employers' Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VECCI), will go to East Timor today to finalise plans for an inaugural meeting of East Timor's national commercial lobby, expected to be held next month.
To be known as the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Timor Leste, the organisation has been set up with help from Victoria and plans to link the local business community to the Timorese government.
East Timor's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao sought the assistance of Victoria to create a Timorese business association, following the appointment of former premier Steve Bracks as his special adviser.
Business links to East Timor are not extensive but are thought to have significant potential, with Victoria home to the largest East Timorese population in Australia.
VECCI also led a trade mission to East Timor last September with representatives from the building, legal and tourism industries.
The East Timor chamber of commerce is expected to hold its first congress in early April.
DANIEL FLITTON
Victoria helps set up Timor business lobby
March 3, 2010
VICTORIAN industry groups are pushing to open new markets in East Timor - one of Australia's poorest neighbours - and set up a local lobby to give a stronger voice to Timorese business.
Peter McMullin, of the Victorian Employers' Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VECCI), will go to East Timor today to finalise plans for an inaugural meeting of East Timor's national commercial lobby, expected to be held next month.
To be known as the Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Timor Leste, the organisation has been set up with help from Victoria and plans to link the local business community to the Timorese government.
East Timor's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao sought the assistance of Victoria to create a Timorese business association, following the appointment of former premier Steve Bracks as his special adviser.
Business links to East Timor are not extensive but are thought to have significant potential, with Victoria home to the largest East Timorese population in Australia.
VECCI also led a trade mission to East Timor last September with representatives from the building, legal and tourism industries.
The East Timor chamber of commerce is expected to hold its first congress in early April.
DANIEL FLITTON
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Monday, 25 January 2010
Media in Timor-Leste: Freedom Under Challenges
By Hugo Fernandes
Jose Belo, founder and editor of Timor-Leste’s local weekly newspaper Tempo Semanal, is familiar with uncertain terms. During the Indonesian occupation, the well-known and respected journalist was imprisoned and detained on numerous accounts for his efforts to expose official corruption. Now, Mr. Belo waits again. In October 2008, after his newspaper published an article alleging that Timor-Leste’s Justice Minister Lucia Lobato had improperly awarded government contracts to friends and business contacts, Mr. Belo was charged with defamation, and a possible prison sentence, if convicted. After a year of investigation, Mr. Belo received official notification from the General Prosecutor that the criminal defamation charges had been dropped, but today, civil defamation charges are still in place against him, with no trial date in sight.
Mr. Belo’s current status is a result of the government of Timor-Leste’s decision in October to remove articles that criminalize defamation from its Penal Code. However, charges of defamation still remain in the Civil Code. Significant legal achievements have been made in the last decade to protect the freedom of journalists. In 2001, the Timor-Leste Journalists Association (TLJA), alongside other organizations, fought to include articles on freedom of expression in the newly-drafted constitution.
More recently, the government and local organizations have attempted to establish a comprehensive media law to protect the freedom of speech and information for print, broadcast, and online journalists. After failed attempts in 2005 and 2006, the current government has requested assistance from UNDP, with input from a number of local journalist associations, to draft a new media law.
Despite such achievements, threats to the freedom of the press still occur, while other challenges such as lack of infrastructure and sufficient training, economic instablility, low readership, and limited access to government officials for comment remain.
Recently, The Asia Foundation and local partners supported an annual award to help motivate journalists and local media outlets to improve their skills, improve the quality of reporting, and promote freedom of the press in Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste’s President Jose Ramos-Horta, a former journalist himself, presented the Journalist of the Year award to TVTL reporter Elizio Pinto Guteres Soares. Mr. Soares also won the Greg Shackleton Prize for best Radio and TV Journalist – an award given in honor of Greg Sackleton, an Australian journalist killed in Balibo Oct. 16, 1975, along with four of his colleaugues (known as the Balibo Five).
Right now, Timor Leste has one weekly and three daily newspapers, one national, three commercial, and more than 15 community radio stations across the country, and one national and one private TV station. In addition, other institutions such as catholic churches, universities, and NGOs host radio stations and publish regular publications.
While censorship is not a major problem for journalists, government attempts to control media by denying access to unscripted government information and officials is. As a result, all news reported out of Dili features similar news angles that journalists were fed during organized press conferences or at official events. Passage of an Access to Information Law is a critical step to improving this problem.
In addition, Timor-Leste’s print media face major challenges with readership and printing costs. With an average income of 50 cents a day and nearly half of the population illiterate, publishers’ expectations are undeniably low. Also, private media must compete with government-sponsored outlets that have the capacity to publish in high volume, with the resources necessary to access a broader audience. Without a higher education system dedicated to journalism training, most of the journalists lack sufficient skills.
In partnership with government agencies, NGOs, and the private sector, The Asia Foundation has provided initial funding to establish a Regional Media Center to address these issues. Such initiatives will hopefully lead to dedicated courses to strengthen the capacity of journalists and the freedom of the press to contribute to building a just and democratic state.
Hugo Fernandes is The Asia Foundation’s Unit Manager in Timor-Leste. He can be reached at hfernandes@asiafound.org .
http://asiafoundation.org/in-asia/2010/01/06/media-in-timor-leste-freedom-under-challenges/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+in-asia+%28In+Asia%29
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Jose Belo, founder and editor of Timor-Leste’s local weekly newspaper Tempo Semanal, is familiar with uncertain terms. During the Indonesian occupation, the well-known and respected journalist was imprisoned and detained on numerous accounts for his efforts to expose official corruption. Now, Mr. Belo waits again. In October 2008, after his newspaper published an article alleging that Timor-Leste’s Justice Minister Lucia Lobato had improperly awarded government contracts to friends and business contacts, Mr. Belo was charged with defamation, and a possible prison sentence, if convicted. After a year of investigation, Mr. Belo received official notification from the General Prosecutor that the criminal defamation charges had been dropped, but today, civil defamation charges are still in place against him, with no trial date in sight.
Mr. Belo’s current status is a result of the government of Timor-Leste’s decision in October to remove articles that criminalize defamation from its Penal Code. However, charges of defamation still remain in the Civil Code. Significant legal achievements have been made in the last decade to protect the freedom of journalists. In 2001, the Timor-Leste Journalists Association (TLJA), alongside other organizations, fought to include articles on freedom of expression in the newly-drafted constitution.
More recently, the government and local organizations have attempted to establish a comprehensive media law to protect the freedom of speech and information for print, broadcast, and online journalists. After failed attempts in 2005 and 2006, the current government has requested assistance from UNDP, with input from a number of local journalist associations, to draft a new media law.
Despite such achievements, threats to the freedom of the press still occur, while other challenges such as lack of infrastructure and sufficient training, economic instablility, low readership, and limited access to government officials for comment remain.
Recently, The Asia Foundation and local partners supported an annual award to help motivate journalists and local media outlets to improve their skills, improve the quality of reporting, and promote freedom of the press in Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste’s President Jose Ramos-Horta, a former journalist himself, presented the Journalist of the Year award to TVTL reporter Elizio Pinto Guteres Soares. Mr. Soares also won the Greg Shackleton Prize for best Radio and TV Journalist – an award given in honor of Greg Sackleton, an Australian journalist killed in Balibo Oct. 16, 1975, along with four of his colleaugues (known as the Balibo Five).
Right now, Timor Leste has one weekly and three daily newspapers, one national, three commercial, and more than 15 community radio stations across the country, and one national and one private TV station. In addition, other institutions such as catholic churches, universities, and NGOs host radio stations and publish regular publications.
While censorship is not a major problem for journalists, government attempts to control media by denying access to unscripted government information and officials is. As a result, all news reported out of Dili features similar news angles that journalists were fed during organized press conferences or at official events. Passage of an Access to Information Law is a critical step to improving this problem.
In addition, Timor-Leste’s print media face major challenges with readership and printing costs. With an average income of 50 cents a day and nearly half of the population illiterate, publishers’ expectations are undeniably low. Also, private media must compete with government-sponsored outlets that have the capacity to publish in high volume, with the resources necessary to access a broader audience. Without a higher education system dedicated to journalism training, most of the journalists lack sufficient skills.
In partnership with government agencies, NGOs, and the private sector, The Asia Foundation has provided initial funding to establish a Regional Media Center to address these issues. Such initiatives will hopefully lead to dedicated courses to strengthen the capacity of journalists and the freedom of the press to contribute to building a just and democratic state.
Hugo Fernandes is The Asia Foundation’s Unit Manager in Timor-Leste. He can be reached at hfernandes@asiafound.org .
http://asiafoundation.org/in-asia/2010/01/06/media-in-timor-leste-freedom-under-challenges/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+in-asia+%28In+Asia%29
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Tuesday, 22 December 2009
SGBV in Timor-Leste: New Report
Actionaid Australia and the Small Arms Survey would like to draw your attention to the following new publication from the Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment:
After the guns fall silent: Sexual and gender-based violence in Timor-Leste Issue Brief No. 5
Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is a pervasive global phenomenon, but is often a politically sensitive and unacknowledged issue. It has serious consequences for the physical, reproductive, and psychological health and social well-being of individuals. It also reflects and reinforces inequalities between men and women. SGBV is increasingly regarded as an impediment to the economic and social development of states.
This Issue Brief considers the scale and magnitude of SGBV directed against women and girls in Timor-Leste. It considers the culture of impunity that pervades the country around SGBV and impedes progress on this issue; the lack of 'enjoyment' of human rights by women and girls due to SGBV; and the systematic failure of the security and justice system to tackle violations. Focusing on both the pre- and post-independence eras, it synthesizes the evidence to help identify entry points for the prevention and reduction of SGBV.
The Issue Brief is available in English and Tetum at:
www.timor-leste-violence.org.
For more information, please contact:
Emile LeBrun
Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment
Small Arms Survey (Geneva)
+31 6 4848 2004
emile.lebrun@smallarmssurvey.org
www.timor-leste-violence.org
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
After the guns fall silent: Sexual and gender-based violence in Timor-Leste Issue Brief No. 5
Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is a pervasive global phenomenon, but is often a politically sensitive and unacknowledged issue. It has serious consequences for the physical, reproductive, and psychological health and social well-being of individuals. It also reflects and reinforces inequalities between men and women. SGBV is increasingly regarded as an impediment to the economic and social development of states.
This Issue Brief considers the scale and magnitude of SGBV directed against women and girls in Timor-Leste. It considers the culture of impunity that pervades the country around SGBV and impedes progress on this issue; the lack of 'enjoyment' of human rights by women and girls due to SGBV; and the systematic failure of the security and justice system to tackle violations. Focusing on both the pre- and post-independence eras, it synthesizes the evidence to help identify entry points for the prevention and reduction of SGBV.
The Issue Brief is available in English and Tetum at:
www.timor-leste-violence.org.
For more information, please contact:
Emile LeBrun
Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment
Small Arms Survey (Geneva)
+31 6 4848 2004
emile.lebrun@smallarmssurvey.org
www.timor-leste-violence.org
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
Twitter: http://twitter.com/etan009
Blog: http://etanaction.blogspot.com/
Facebook: http://apps.facebook.com/causes/134122?recruiter_id=10193810
Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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AN ORGY COMMANDED BY AGIO PEREIRA
AN ORGY COMMANDED BY AGIO PEREIRA
By ANTÓNIO VERÍSSIMO
That credit may dispense with the ÁGIO PEREIRA?
In edition of the Sol magazine, which we put to the TLN and you can read more below, we read that "visiting Portugal to mark the 10th anniversary of the referendum that opened the door to independence, the Secretary of State the Council of Ministers of East Timor, Ágio Pereira rejects the Australian accusations of existence of corruption in Government and does not accept the hypothesis return to violence.”
These two references of Ágio Pereira in the interview that it was desirable to be intelligent enough to understand the degree of intentional misrepresentation or mistakenly assimilated how he expresses. Deeply declarations pornographic that display the body of a Government composed of players’ porn-politicians who offend public morals of citizen throughout the planet, at least those that read the interview and who know the reality of Timor.
Ágio Pereira says that "does not accept the assumption of a return to violence". Therefore, does not explain the conditions under which admits this. It should be while engendered AMP continues in power and distribute titles, contracts to the heads of hooliganisms groups. And, possibly, the AMP and most of that actually are in possession of Government and satellites institutions lose their seats and back to common citizens to vote in elections? If the opposition led by Fretilin will win elections? Also, as it always happened. Ensures Ágio Pereira that defeated groups not back again for violence to take power? Ensures no repeated violence 2006 or worse? This is not guaranteed, nor the question was it made by journalist. This would be an inconvenient question and politically incorrect.
But certainly the journalist in question is aware that this engendered AMP designed post election results, is Government after its mutinous have caused hundreds of deaths and the destruction of thousands housing, and that whosoever acted violently, was "Thanks" of personalities currently installed in high positions of political power. You must know any citizen minimally informed about East Timor knows this.
Therefore, we can offer an opinion and conclude that pornography of the interview is made by two, otherwise would not be pornographic, or would have lacked additional objects type vibratory, for example.
But the crucial, the climax, is supposed to be reached when something as distinguished corruption comes in scene and undress showing the dishonesties. Agio Pereira “refutes the Australian allegations, existence of corruption in Government “mentions the journalist. And it is well. It was said by the interviewee.
The question: "The Australia Ambassador in Timor identified corruption and lack of experience of Government as the main causes of wasteful external help. How does Dili react? “Agio Pereira responds: "when we talk about money donated most of that is not corruptible. For international projects they bring their consultants and engaged in physical structures. Of way that this project implementation arrangement there is little scope for corruption. Corruption can come from donors, but in the context of recipients the area of corruption is very small. “And yet, when the journalist not satisfied and asks” doesn’t corruption worries? Agio Pereira reply: "when referring to corruption in general, I think all countries are suffering. Australia, Portugal, and USA – this economic crisis was born due to corruption. In a developing country, usually refers to corruption in the context of the management of public money. In our country have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, especially this IV Constitutional Government. "
It shows that this is typical behaviour associated white-collar criminals that is a distraction’s manoeuvre want to justify their errors with similar examples to practice pointing in other directions. Of course that there is a little corruption by all countries, some more than others, however the existing corruption in Timor-Leste achieves huge indexes nothing comparable with those of Australia, which has a very low index in the spectrum world. It is legitimate to Australia and other donors committed to contribute to various sectors benefiting disadvantaged Timorese concern and denounce the existing corruption. In the case of Portugal these repairs do not happen because the Socialist Government itself is facing the corruption and what more it – the so-called KKN in Timor-Leste. It is Collusion, corruption and nepotism.
But, of course, the Timorese corruption is not just pointed to with regard to “recipients sectors", of providing "foreign aid". Corruption is wider, KKN is much wider in Timor-Leste. We saw this in relation to the company of Zenilde Gusmão and other relatives of Gusmão ", for example. Case barefaced there is no any action, unpunished. Other cases are of public knowledge, and even on the list were in times of hopes be solved by new PGR, Ana Pessoa, but it seems that a blanket of impunity like the previous PGR, Longuinhos Monteiro, and meanwhile so many enquiries and proof naming this and that for the "KKN" package – the case of Mário Carrascalão, appointed Vice Prime-Minister and until now did nothing, or nothing has brought benefits to the fight against corruption, at least that had seen. Impunity continues until there are signs that is institutionalised. Why ever talk less in it. It is "our bread each day ".
Agio Pereira says that "in our country there have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, mainly in IV Constitutional Government. “Please, this citizen is responsible for Timorese Government believes that is talking to delayed mental illness? Even the very little evidence that speech gave nothing and if some achievable it will be lower branch of the Administration, however nothing has seen and impunity is the statute.
It is also statute the other impunities. The violations of the Constitution, the subordination of the Judiciary to Political Power, the militarisation of the PNTL, to turn into private army interests of a few, as are accusing etc.
Finally, and in time, partly because the Copenhagen Summit is happening, was asked the Agio Pereira: "… East Timor is part of the Group of countries, that being small islands may be much affected by Global warming. How does the Government follow the situation? “The interviewee hit back: "we have very deep studies on alternatives energies. We have a specific State Secretariat for energy resources, we have a company that is doing a survey on the possible solutions for alternatives energies. Our country has much potential with high mountains and we can explore the potential wind and solar too. And we can be independent and sustainable energy resources. This study should be presented in May 2010”.
Pornographic. It is simply pornographic. Then, if so how justify Agio Pereira everything that has already been spent with the energy central of heavy oil highly polluting? What has already been lost? Who is responsible for the funds already spent and who benefited from them? And until then, what Agio is talking is true – although in accordance with the declared by the Government a few weeks-what are the prospects for action until the alternatives energies work? In reality what is happening with the "business" of heavy oil?
And the journalist could not confront the interviewee with this flagrant pose porn? But what style so horrendous takes the profession forward. Understand the salary is important at the end of the month. Constraints understandable but unacceptable and which are "dissolving" a beautiful and usefulness profession. It is not only in this case. The interviewee commanded the interviewer. Considering the circumstances, the interview was good and the interviewee was smart. But that was an orgy … There it was.
Finally, only the carving of fork, someone comment accompanying fuse wire to Timor, almost since born, currently with a "nice age":
"Agio says:" these past years, we have three public demonstrations against Governments. "
It seems that he forgot the greatest demonstration of them all, and further most influenced the course of events at TL. I am referring of course to demonstration of MUNJ, Rai Los campaign also, Xanana and Kirsty, Horta and Lasama and that served to overthrow the legitimately elected Government.
Agio also forget to mention the active presence and intervention of the American Ambassador what describes as "unprecedented demonstration the Catholic Church itself involved ".
More ahead, says: "but the independence exists, the courts are not elected and interpret laws.”
To add the independence of this sovereignty body only exists while the PR, the PM or any Minister do not remember to disallow, name of a supposed "national interest", as happened recently with the illegal release of Martinus Bere. The interviewer, visibly off this event, also did not rise on the Agio on this contradiction between the theory and practice.
Despite everything, I liked the optimism of Agio and mature as way of talking Timorese democracy, the opposition and a future without conflicts. Also I appreciated very much the confirmation that there is a change of 180 degree Government energy policies: "we can explore the potential wind and solar also. And we remain independent and sustainable in terms of energetic resources ". Bravo! "
That credit may dispense with the Agio Pereira?
By ANTÓNIO VERÍSSIMO
That credit may dispense with the ÁGIO PEREIRA?
In edition of the Sol magazine, which we put to the TLN and you can read more below, we read that "visiting Portugal to mark the 10th anniversary of the referendum that opened the door to independence, the Secretary of State the Council of Ministers of East Timor, Ágio Pereira rejects the Australian accusations of existence of corruption in Government and does not accept the hypothesis return to violence.”
These two references of Ágio Pereira in the interview that it was desirable to be intelligent enough to understand the degree of intentional misrepresentation or mistakenly assimilated how he expresses. Deeply declarations pornographic that display the body of a Government composed of players’ porn-politicians who offend public morals of citizen throughout the planet, at least those that read the interview and who know the reality of Timor.
Ágio Pereira says that "does not accept the assumption of a return to violence". Therefore, does not explain the conditions under which admits this. It should be while engendered AMP continues in power and distribute titles, contracts to the heads of hooliganisms groups. And, possibly, the AMP and most of that actually are in possession of Government and satellites institutions lose their seats and back to common citizens to vote in elections? If the opposition led by Fretilin will win elections? Also, as it always happened. Ensures Ágio Pereira that defeated groups not back again for violence to take power? Ensures no repeated violence 2006 or worse? This is not guaranteed, nor the question was it made by journalist. This would be an inconvenient question and politically incorrect.
But certainly the journalist in question is aware that this engendered AMP designed post election results, is Government after its mutinous have caused hundreds of deaths and the destruction of thousands housing, and that whosoever acted violently, was "Thanks" of personalities currently installed in high positions of political power. You must know any citizen minimally informed about East Timor knows this.
Therefore, we can offer an opinion and conclude that pornography of the interview is made by two, otherwise would not be pornographic, or would have lacked additional objects type vibratory, for example.
But the crucial, the climax, is supposed to be reached when something as distinguished corruption comes in scene and undress showing the dishonesties. Agio Pereira “refutes the Australian allegations, existence of corruption in Government “mentions the journalist. And it is well. It was said by the interviewee.
The question: "The Australia Ambassador in Timor identified corruption and lack of experience of Government as the main causes of wasteful external help. How does Dili react? “Agio Pereira responds: "when we talk about money donated most of that is not corruptible. For international projects they bring their consultants and engaged in physical structures. Of way that this project implementation arrangement there is little scope for corruption. Corruption can come from donors, but in the context of recipients the area of corruption is very small. “And yet, when the journalist not satisfied and asks” doesn’t corruption worries? Agio Pereira reply: "when referring to corruption in general, I think all countries are suffering. Australia, Portugal, and USA – this economic crisis was born due to corruption. In a developing country, usually refers to corruption in the context of the management of public money. In our country have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, especially this IV Constitutional Government. "
It shows that this is typical behaviour associated white-collar criminals that is a distraction’s manoeuvre want to justify their errors with similar examples to practice pointing in other directions. Of course that there is a little corruption by all countries, some more than others, however the existing corruption in Timor-Leste achieves huge indexes nothing comparable with those of Australia, which has a very low index in the spectrum world. It is legitimate to Australia and other donors committed to contribute to various sectors benefiting disadvantaged Timorese concern and denounce the existing corruption. In the case of Portugal these repairs do not happen because the Socialist Government itself is facing the corruption and what more it – the so-called KKN in Timor-Leste. It is Collusion, corruption and nepotism.
But, of course, the Timorese corruption is not just pointed to with regard to “recipients sectors", of providing "foreign aid". Corruption is wider, KKN is much wider in Timor-Leste. We saw this in relation to the company of Zenilde Gusmão and other relatives of Gusmão ", for example. Case barefaced there is no any action, unpunished. Other cases are of public knowledge, and even on the list were in times of hopes be solved by new PGR, Ana Pessoa, but it seems that a blanket of impunity like the previous PGR, Longuinhos Monteiro, and meanwhile so many enquiries and proof naming this and that for the "KKN" package – the case of Mário Carrascalão, appointed Vice Prime-Minister and until now did nothing, or nothing has brought benefits to the fight against corruption, at least that had seen. Impunity continues until there are signs that is institutionalised. Why ever talk less in it. It is "our bread each day ".
Agio Pereira says that "in our country there have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, mainly in IV Constitutional Government. “Please, this citizen is responsible for Timorese Government believes that is talking to delayed mental illness? Even the very little evidence that speech gave nothing and if some achievable it will be lower branch of the Administration, however nothing has seen and impunity is the statute.
It is also statute the other impunities. The violations of the Constitution, the subordination of the Judiciary to Political Power, the militarisation of the PNTL, to turn into private army interests of a few, as are accusing etc.
Finally, and in time, partly because the Copenhagen Summit is happening, was asked the Agio Pereira: "… East Timor is part of the Group of countries, that being small islands may be much affected by Global warming. How does the Government follow the situation? “The interviewee hit back: "we have very deep studies on alternatives energies. We have a specific State Secretariat for energy resources, we have a company that is doing a survey on the possible solutions for alternatives energies. Our country has much potential with high mountains and we can explore the potential wind and solar too. And we can be independent and sustainable energy resources. This study should be presented in May 2010”.
Pornographic. It is simply pornographic. Then, if so how justify Agio Pereira everything that has already been spent with the energy central of heavy oil highly polluting? What has already been lost? Who is responsible for the funds already spent and who benefited from them? And until then, what Agio is talking is true – although in accordance with the declared by the Government a few weeks-what are the prospects for action until the alternatives energies work? In reality what is happening with the "business" of heavy oil?
And the journalist could not confront the interviewee with this flagrant pose porn? But what style so horrendous takes the profession forward. Understand the salary is important at the end of the month. Constraints understandable but unacceptable and which are "dissolving" a beautiful and usefulness profession. It is not only in this case. The interviewee commanded the interviewer. Considering the circumstances, the interview was good and the interviewee was smart. But that was an orgy … There it was.
Finally, only the carving of fork, someone comment accompanying fuse wire to Timor, almost since born, currently with a "nice age":
"Agio says:" these past years, we have three public demonstrations against Governments. "
It seems that he forgot the greatest demonstration of them all, and further most influenced the course of events at TL. I am referring of course to demonstration of MUNJ, Rai Los campaign also, Xanana and Kirsty, Horta and Lasama and that served to overthrow the legitimately elected Government.
Agio also forget to mention the active presence and intervention of the American Ambassador what describes as "unprecedented demonstration the Catholic Church itself involved ".
More ahead, says: "but the independence exists, the courts are not elected and interpret laws.”
To add the independence of this sovereignty body only exists while the PR, the PM or any Minister do not remember to disallow, name of a supposed "national interest", as happened recently with the illegal release of Martinus Bere. The interviewer, visibly off this event, also did not rise on the Agio on this contradiction between the theory and practice.
Despite everything, I liked the optimism of Agio and mature as way of talking Timorese democracy, the opposition and a future without conflicts. Also I appreciated very much the confirmation that there is a change of 180 degree Government energy policies: "we can explore the potential wind and solar also. And we remain independent and sustainable in terms of energetic resources ". Bravo! "
That credit may dispense with the Agio Pereira?
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
Dear all
Merry Christmas and Happy New Year
"INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) "
I don't agree with this introduction that does not match what had happened in Timor Leste. The information is not correct and is misleading those who believe because it did not follow the evolution of the situation.
I do not want to say that our security forces are perfect we have made mistakes many areas need some improvement but not the method outside want and also you must remember that we are a new country with 10 years of independence.
It is all very nice talking about the Security Sector Reform for Timor Leste but should reflect that your Governments or countries were involved in the crisis of 2006 and which must assume the responsibilities of this mess because the truths are being hidden wanting so wash hands or simply forget everything that had happened.
I believe the published security documents outside are misguided in calling for a reform. What kind of reform? What is the credibility of the Timorese Government corrupt and criminal, conspirators of the 2006 crisis installed and supported by former Australian Government?
You must open our eyes not making Timor Leste a dump field and treat the Timorese with a neo-colonial mentality and support a Government so corrupt.
It is good not come with many stories launching dust in the eyes of the people of Timor Leste; they already suffered and died during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation. You should be ashamed to say these lies above description only to serve your interests. The crisis of 2006 was created and fomented by the policy “regime change “of the PM John Howard initiated by Bush policy, with the aim of overthrowing the Timor Leste Government. Recall that John Howard was always a supporter and sponsor the autonomy and integration of East Timor. Foreign intervention was not for the good of the Timor Leste people was yes to the natural wealth oil and gas. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Currently we have seen the hostility of the oil companies against the Timorese government involved in the "Great Sunrise" pipeline to East Timor. The collapse of the police is the fact that the command has abandoned the post in support of conspirators 2006 crisis whose authors are Xanana, Horta, Lasama and their accomplices with Australian Government support. Presently the ex Commandant Paulo Martins is member of the Parliament of Xanana Gusmão CNRT party and the new commandant Longinhos we can also consider one of conspirators. It was only the Dili police headquarters suffered the fall but did not happen in the Districts and Sub districts Station of Timor Leste.
The reform should be made gradually according to the conditions of East Timor and not and never compiled documents imported from outside the United Nations or countries involved in the crisis to be applied to police of Timor Leste. What is the honesty of those countries and how we can trust if were implicated in the crisis and installation corrupt and criminal government? The government of these countries nothing contributed for our liberation struggle working only for our destruction to a failed State and thus remains with the pretext of instability. Some public statements on the Security Reform made by current Secretaries of Defense and Security of States were well explicit in explanations of non-interference of the Nation internal affairs.
Currently all we do they consider wrong such superiority complex pointing fingers and accusing our security institutions. As we all know they had created the mess in 2006 crisis comes to tell us now to put our House in order. Shame! And also should not forget that our police were trained and developed by the United Nations in coordination with the Government of East Timor. What do you or they want? We are not slaves of your interests. I think it is only to make money at the expense of Timor Leste people like” NGO ALOLA” has done belong Xanana wife money deposited in Australian Banks and many more with government subsidies.
Selling these theories this type of research as has always done in many areas: health, education, infrastructure, etc. through its advisers, which is a waste of funds on projects many of these are under the carpet that do not reflect the realities of East Timor. It is a bitter pill to swallow because it is the difficult to hear the truths what happened in East Timor, the way as I express I lived and I followed the situation closely and I am able to refute all details on this subject.
Let’s to decide what is best for our country as an independent nation. What we want is a real security it is fair to all society no outside interference and to maintain stability with a lasting peace to focus on the construction and development of the country.
Nothing is perfect in this world, we are all human beings, our brain to think and think that we cannot better than others, many theories imported from abroad including security only to confuse, destroy and distort our aspirations.
Here are some extracts of intentions of Australia on East Timor.
The post-independence crisis in Timor Leste has drawn attention to the fragility of institutions in that newly independent country. Australian intervention in 2006 has been accompanied by menacing suggestions of a “failed state” - not just a state that cannot govern itself, but one that poses a threat to others, thus justifying intervention. Yet foreign intervention is anathema to independence and self-governance (in East Timorese terms, “ukun rasik an”).
The immediate danger to Timor Leste's established right to self-determination is likely to be an Australian neo-colonial dominance that could reverse the independent path the nation has undertaken, with its new constitution, national development plan and distinctive policies. The internationalization of the intervention (the UN involvement) only slightly diminishes this threat. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Australian Government and corporate media have not even condemned the renegade soldiers who took up arms against their own government and shot people in the street. John Howard and Alexander Downer pretend an “even-handed” policy to Timor Leste's elected government and its violent renegades.
President Xanana Gusmao has so far escaped criticism for not denouncing the renegade soldiers and gangs that are acting in his name. Xanana has great domestic popularity and has not been so closely implicated in the policy conflicts with Australia.
The attacks on Prime Minister Alkatiri reflect underlying tensions that have been building for some time. The prime minister, a strong economic nationalist, remains the country's chief strategist. Many of the tensions relate to distinctive policy developments in the seven years since 1999. The best known achievements have been in the oil and gas dispute, but there have also been modest advances in agriculture, health and education. Yet associated with many of these advances have been opposition or hostility from Australia, and its mentor, the US.
There was wide support for the construction of a new constitution (with a bill of rights, a highly democratic electoral system, recognition of shared national resources and customary law) and a development plan. The pursuit of a greedy Australian Government over East Timor's oil and gas resources proved more difficult. Alkatiri led the first round of negotiations (mainly over the Bayu-Undan field), with broad East Timorese and Australian support. The deal shifted Australia's 80-20 offer to a 90-10 settlement. The second round (over the Greater Sunrise field) shifted the Australian “final” position of 18-82 to a settlement of 50-50.
In both sets of talks there was considerable aggravation, particularly the latter, where Australia got its way in deferring fixed maritime boundaries. Australian officials and some academics told the East Timorese again and again that they were “unrealistic” and would get nowhere. Downer told Alkatiri he would give him "a lesson" in politics. Downer and the “realists” were wrong. The East Timorese did not get their full claim, but they came out several billion dollars ahead.
On agriculture both the World Bank and the Australian Government opposed the transitional government's plans (2000-02) to rehabilitate rice fields, and to use aid money for public grain silos and a public abattoir. That is, the Australian Government - blinded by neo-liberal ideology, and their belief in privatization and export orientation - blocked East Timorese developmental plans. Yet few interventions are more destructive to development than obstructing a small, post-colonial nation defining and creating its own institutions.
Whatever their prior knowledge of the Reinado-led rebellion, the Australian Government made good use of it to undermine the elected government of Timor Leste. However, domestic compromises (including two ministerial resignations, the promotion of Ramos Horta and a UN inquiry) seem to have forced a temporary back-down. Yet if the “palace coup” does not succeed on this occasion, we will need to closely watch progress in what The Australian calls the now “poisoned” relationship between the Howard and the Alkatiri governments. At stake is an independent
Herein lies the problem. An oligarchy of Australian business leaders, who consistently opposed East Timorese independence, pre-1999, have openly declared themselves hostile to the Fretilin-led project. The Howard regime gives lip service to East Timorese autonomy, but shares the hostility. This is a strategic hostility as much as opposition to any particular policy. But the ‘protectorate' mindset certainly wants easier access to East Timorese resources, greater privileging of foreign investment, abolition of East Timor's army and a shift in national language policy from Portuguese-Tetum to English-Tetum.
It seems likely that, even with Alkatiri sidelined, a Fretilin-led government will maintain the strategy spelt out in East Timor's National Development Plan and sectoral policies, and backed by the Constitution. Alternatively (and if Murdoch's scribblers have their way), a more ‘Australian friendly' government might be persuaded to abandon its economic nationalist past, and accept protectorate status.
So what is the problem with a small country taking loans from the World Bank and becoming more ‘western friendly'? Isn't this a legitimate way of attracting investment, improving governance and reducing poverty? Let's examine this, in light of experience elsewhere.
The process begins with loans for essential infrastructure, usually power and roads; and in East Timor everyone has been complaining about power and roads. The World Bank would loan money to the government at low commercial interest or (in view of East Timor's low GDP per capita) a very low IDA loan at only 0.7% interest over 35 years. This, at first glance, seems generous. But strict conditions would be attached, in the form of a ‘good governance' contract.
An important section of the ‘good governance' conditions would stipulate that, while the loan is public, the construction and service delivery would be private - a ‘development partnership'. This means that large foreign companies would be contracted to construct the power grid and roads, while others would meter and enforce a ‘user pays' power supply regime. As the ‘good governance' agreement would also stipulates no price subsidies, the only way poor families could access power would be by direct fiscal subsidy. But the government has no spare cash, which is why it would have borrowed in the first place.
Such ‘partnership' schemes have seen even water supplies become unaffordable in major cities from The Philippines to Bolivia. The small middle classes who can afford the fees might get a better service, but the government will still have to intervene to ensure quality and contain the corruption that privatizations
So why do the leaders of developing countries participate in neo-liberal programs, when they are so damaging for ordinary poor people? Sometimes they have been obliged to cut political deals, for independence. Sometimes it is due to policy weakness and a desire to accommodate the big powers - some elements of this are now visible in East Timor. But very often leaders (such as Indonesia's Suharto) enter the business elite themselves, taking commissions, rents and other benefits from cashed up aid and privatization programs. Neo-liberal ‘good governance' (previously called ‘structural adjustment') has most often enhanced this corruption, rather than preventing it.
The Australian role in undermining East Timorese independence is difficult to see now, with a barrage of media influencing the desire to see ourselves as the little country's ‘saviors’. We are nothing of the sort. Australian friends of East Timor should recognize the shocking prospects of neo-liberal protectorate status, and maintain their support for an independent nation.
--- On Tue, 15/12/09, ETAN wrote:
From: ETAN
Subject: Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
To: east-timor@lists.riseup.net
Received: Tuesday, 15 December, 2009, 5:29 AM
- Show quoted text -
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
-----Inline Attachment Follows-----
Merry Christmas and Happy New Year
"INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) "
I don't agree with this introduction that does not match what had happened in Timor Leste. The information is not correct and is misleading those who believe because it did not follow the evolution of the situation.
I do not want to say that our security forces are perfect we have made mistakes many areas need some improvement but not the method outside want and also you must remember that we are a new country with 10 years of independence.
It is all very nice talking about the Security Sector Reform for Timor Leste but should reflect that your Governments or countries were involved in the crisis of 2006 and which must assume the responsibilities of this mess because the truths are being hidden wanting so wash hands or simply forget everything that had happened.
I believe the published security documents outside are misguided in calling for a reform. What kind of reform? What is the credibility of the Timorese Government corrupt and criminal, conspirators of the 2006 crisis installed and supported by former Australian Government?
You must open our eyes not making Timor Leste a dump field and treat the Timorese with a neo-colonial mentality and support a Government so corrupt.
It is good not come with many stories launching dust in the eyes of the people of Timor Leste; they already suffered and died during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation. You should be ashamed to say these lies above description only to serve your interests. The crisis of 2006 was created and fomented by the policy “regime change “of the PM John Howard initiated by Bush policy, with the aim of overthrowing the Timor Leste Government. Recall that John Howard was always a supporter and sponsor the autonomy and integration of East Timor. Foreign intervention was not for the good of the Timor Leste people was yes to the natural wealth oil and gas. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Currently we have seen the hostility of the oil companies against the Timorese government involved in the "Great Sunrise" pipeline to East Timor. The collapse of the police is the fact that the command has abandoned the post in support of conspirators 2006 crisis whose authors are Xanana, Horta, Lasama and their accomplices with Australian Government support. Presently the ex Commandant Paulo Martins is member of the Parliament of Xanana Gusmão CNRT party and the new commandant Longinhos we can also consider one of conspirators. It was only the Dili police headquarters suffered the fall but did not happen in the Districts and Sub districts Station of Timor Leste.
The reform should be made gradually according to the conditions of East Timor and not and never compiled documents imported from outside the United Nations or countries involved in the crisis to be applied to police of Timor Leste. What is the honesty of those countries and how we can trust if were implicated in the crisis and installation corrupt and criminal government? The government of these countries nothing contributed for our liberation struggle working only for our destruction to a failed State and thus remains with the pretext of instability. Some public statements on the Security Reform made by current Secretaries of Defense and Security of States were well explicit in explanations of non-interference of the Nation internal affairs.
Currently all we do they consider wrong such superiority complex pointing fingers and accusing our security institutions. As we all know they had created the mess in 2006 crisis comes to tell us now to put our House in order. Shame! And also should not forget that our police were trained and developed by the United Nations in coordination with the Government of East Timor. What do you or they want? We are not slaves of your interests. I think it is only to make money at the expense of Timor Leste people like” NGO ALOLA” has done belong Xanana wife money deposited in Australian Banks and many more with government subsidies.
Selling these theories this type of research as has always done in many areas: health, education, infrastructure, etc. through its advisers, which is a waste of funds on projects many of these are under the carpet that do not reflect the realities of East Timor. It is a bitter pill to swallow because it is the difficult to hear the truths what happened in East Timor, the way as I express I lived and I followed the situation closely and I am able to refute all details on this subject.
Let’s to decide what is best for our country as an independent nation. What we want is a real security it is fair to all society no outside interference and to maintain stability with a lasting peace to focus on the construction and development of the country.
Nothing is perfect in this world, we are all human beings, our brain to think and think that we cannot better than others, many theories imported from abroad including security only to confuse, destroy and distort our aspirations.
Here are some extracts of intentions of Australia on East Timor.
The post-independence crisis in Timor Leste has drawn attention to the fragility of institutions in that newly independent country. Australian intervention in 2006 has been accompanied by menacing suggestions of a “failed state” - not just a state that cannot govern itself, but one that poses a threat to others, thus justifying intervention. Yet foreign intervention is anathema to independence and self-governance (in East Timorese terms, “ukun rasik an”).
The immediate danger to Timor Leste's established right to self-determination is likely to be an Australian neo-colonial dominance that could reverse the independent path the nation has undertaken, with its new constitution, national development plan and distinctive policies. The internationalization of the intervention (the UN involvement) only slightly diminishes this threat. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Australian Government and corporate media have not even condemned the renegade soldiers who took up arms against their own government and shot people in the street. John Howard and Alexander Downer pretend an “even-handed” policy to Timor Leste's elected government and its violent renegades.
President Xanana Gusmao has so far escaped criticism for not denouncing the renegade soldiers and gangs that are acting in his name. Xanana has great domestic popularity and has not been so closely implicated in the policy conflicts with Australia.
The attacks on Prime Minister Alkatiri reflect underlying tensions that have been building for some time. The prime minister, a strong economic nationalist, remains the country's chief strategist. Many of the tensions relate to distinctive policy developments in the seven years since 1999. The best known achievements have been in the oil and gas dispute, but there have also been modest advances in agriculture, health and education. Yet associated with many of these advances have been opposition or hostility from Australia, and its mentor, the US.
There was wide support for the construction of a new constitution (with a bill of rights, a highly democratic electoral system, recognition of shared national resources and customary law) and a development plan. The pursuit of a greedy Australian Government over East Timor's oil and gas resources proved more difficult. Alkatiri led the first round of negotiations (mainly over the Bayu-Undan field), with broad East Timorese and Australian support. The deal shifted Australia's 80-20 offer to a 90-10 settlement. The second round (over the Greater Sunrise field) shifted the Australian “final” position of 18-82 to a settlement of 50-50.
In both sets of talks there was considerable aggravation, particularly the latter, where Australia got its way in deferring fixed maritime boundaries. Australian officials and some academics told the East Timorese again and again that they were “unrealistic” and would get nowhere. Downer told Alkatiri he would give him "a lesson" in politics. Downer and the “realists” were wrong. The East Timorese did not get their full claim, but they came out several billion dollars ahead.
On agriculture both the World Bank and the Australian Government opposed the transitional government's plans (2000-02) to rehabilitate rice fields, and to use aid money for public grain silos and a public abattoir. That is, the Australian Government - blinded by neo-liberal ideology, and their belief in privatization and export orientation - blocked East Timorese developmental plans. Yet few interventions are more destructive to development than obstructing a small, post-colonial nation defining and creating its own institutions.
Whatever their prior knowledge of the Reinado-led rebellion, the Australian Government made good use of it to undermine the elected government of Timor Leste. However, domestic compromises (including two ministerial resignations, the promotion of Ramos Horta and a UN inquiry) seem to have forced a temporary back-down. Yet if the “palace coup” does not succeed on this occasion, we will need to closely watch progress in what The Australian calls the now “poisoned” relationship between the Howard and the Alkatiri governments. At stake is an independent
Herein lies the problem. An oligarchy of Australian business leaders, who consistently opposed East Timorese independence, pre-1999, have openly declared themselves hostile to the Fretilin-led project. The Howard regime gives lip service to East Timorese autonomy, but shares the hostility. This is a strategic hostility as much as opposition to any particular policy. But the ‘protectorate' mindset certainly wants easier access to East Timorese resources, greater privileging of foreign investment, abolition of East Timor's army and a shift in national language policy from Portuguese-Tetum to English-Tetum.
It seems likely that, even with Alkatiri sidelined, a Fretilin-led government will maintain the strategy spelt out in East Timor's National Development Plan and sectoral policies, and backed by the Constitution. Alternatively (and if Murdoch's scribblers have their way), a more ‘Australian friendly' government might be persuaded to abandon its economic nationalist past, and accept protectorate status.
So what is the problem with a small country taking loans from the World Bank and becoming more ‘western friendly'? Isn't this a legitimate way of attracting investment, improving governance and reducing poverty? Let's examine this, in light of experience elsewhere.
The process begins with loans for essential infrastructure, usually power and roads; and in East Timor everyone has been complaining about power and roads. The World Bank would loan money to the government at low commercial interest or (in view of East Timor's low GDP per capita) a very low IDA loan at only 0.7% interest over 35 years. This, at first glance, seems generous. But strict conditions would be attached, in the form of a ‘good governance' contract.
An important section of the ‘good governance' conditions would stipulate that, while the loan is public, the construction and service delivery would be private - a ‘development partnership'. This means that large foreign companies would be contracted to construct the power grid and roads, while others would meter and enforce a ‘user pays' power supply regime. As the ‘good governance' agreement would also stipulates no price subsidies, the only way poor families could access power would be by direct fiscal subsidy. But the government has no spare cash, which is why it would have borrowed in the first place.
Such ‘partnership' schemes have seen even water supplies become unaffordable in major cities from The Philippines to Bolivia. The small middle classes who can afford the fees might get a better service, but the government will still have to intervene to ensure quality and contain the corruption that privatizations
So why do the leaders of developing countries participate in neo-liberal programs, when they are so damaging for ordinary poor people? Sometimes they have been obliged to cut political deals, for independence. Sometimes it is due to policy weakness and a desire to accommodate the big powers - some elements of this are now visible in East Timor. But very often leaders (such as Indonesia's Suharto) enter the business elite themselves, taking commissions, rents and other benefits from cashed up aid and privatization programs. Neo-liberal ‘good governance' (previously called ‘structural adjustment') has most often enhanced this corruption, rather than preventing it.
The Australian role in undermining East Timorese independence is difficult to see now, with a barrage of media influencing the desire to see ourselves as the little country's ‘saviors’. We are nothing of the sort. Australian friends of East Timor should recognize the shocking prospects of neo-liberal protectorate status, and maintain their support for an independent nation.
--- On Tue, 15/12/09, ETAN
From: ETAN
Subject: Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
To: east-timor@lists.riseup.net
Received: Tuesday, 15 December, 2009, 5:29 AM
- Show quoted text -
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
-----Inline Attachment Follows-----
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