Actionaid Australia and the Small Arms Survey would like to draw your attention to the following new publication from the Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment:
After the guns fall silent: Sexual and gender-based violence in Timor-Leste Issue Brief No. 5
Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is a pervasive global phenomenon, but is often a politically sensitive and unacknowledged issue. It has serious consequences for the physical, reproductive, and psychological health and social well-being of individuals. It also reflects and reinforces inequalities between men and women. SGBV is increasingly regarded as an impediment to the economic and social development of states.
This Issue Brief considers the scale and magnitude of SGBV directed against women and girls in Timor-Leste. It considers the culture of impunity that pervades the country around SGBV and impedes progress on this issue; the lack of 'enjoyment' of human rights by women and girls due to SGBV; and the systematic failure of the security and justice system to tackle violations. Focusing on both the pre- and post-independence eras, it synthesizes the evidence to help identify entry points for the prevention and reduction of SGBV.
The Issue Brief is available in English and Tetum at:
www.timor-leste-violence.org.
For more information, please contact:
Emile LeBrun
Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment
Small Arms Survey (Geneva)
+31 6 4848 2004
emile.lebrun@smallarmssurvey.org
www.timor-leste-violence.org
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
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Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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Tuesday, 22 December 2009
AN ORGY COMMANDED BY AGIO PEREIRA
AN ORGY COMMANDED BY AGIO PEREIRA
By ANTÓNIO VERÍSSIMO
That credit may dispense with the ÁGIO PEREIRA?
In edition of the Sol magazine, which we put to the TLN and you can read more below, we read that "visiting Portugal to mark the 10th anniversary of the referendum that opened the door to independence, the Secretary of State the Council of Ministers of East Timor, Ágio Pereira rejects the Australian accusations of existence of corruption in Government and does not accept the hypothesis return to violence.”
These two references of Ágio Pereira in the interview that it was desirable to be intelligent enough to understand the degree of intentional misrepresentation or mistakenly assimilated how he expresses. Deeply declarations pornographic that display the body of a Government composed of players’ porn-politicians who offend public morals of citizen throughout the planet, at least those that read the interview and who know the reality of Timor.
Ágio Pereira says that "does not accept the assumption of a return to violence". Therefore, does not explain the conditions under which admits this. It should be while engendered AMP continues in power and distribute titles, contracts to the heads of hooliganisms groups. And, possibly, the AMP and most of that actually are in possession of Government and satellites institutions lose their seats and back to common citizens to vote in elections? If the opposition led by Fretilin will win elections? Also, as it always happened. Ensures Ágio Pereira that defeated groups not back again for violence to take power? Ensures no repeated violence 2006 or worse? This is not guaranteed, nor the question was it made by journalist. This would be an inconvenient question and politically incorrect.
But certainly the journalist in question is aware that this engendered AMP designed post election results, is Government after its mutinous have caused hundreds of deaths and the destruction of thousands housing, and that whosoever acted violently, was "Thanks" of personalities currently installed in high positions of political power. You must know any citizen minimally informed about East Timor knows this.
Therefore, we can offer an opinion and conclude that pornography of the interview is made by two, otherwise would not be pornographic, or would have lacked additional objects type vibratory, for example.
But the crucial, the climax, is supposed to be reached when something as distinguished corruption comes in scene and undress showing the dishonesties. Agio Pereira “refutes the Australian allegations, existence of corruption in Government “mentions the journalist. And it is well. It was said by the interviewee.
The question: "The Australia Ambassador in Timor identified corruption and lack of experience of Government as the main causes of wasteful external help. How does Dili react? “Agio Pereira responds: "when we talk about money donated most of that is not corruptible. For international projects they bring their consultants and engaged in physical structures. Of way that this project implementation arrangement there is little scope for corruption. Corruption can come from donors, but in the context of recipients the area of corruption is very small. “And yet, when the journalist not satisfied and asks” doesn’t corruption worries? Agio Pereira reply: "when referring to corruption in general, I think all countries are suffering. Australia, Portugal, and USA – this economic crisis was born due to corruption. In a developing country, usually refers to corruption in the context of the management of public money. In our country have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, especially this IV Constitutional Government. "
It shows that this is typical behaviour associated white-collar criminals that is a distraction’s manoeuvre want to justify their errors with similar examples to practice pointing in other directions. Of course that there is a little corruption by all countries, some more than others, however the existing corruption in Timor-Leste achieves huge indexes nothing comparable with those of Australia, which has a very low index in the spectrum world. It is legitimate to Australia and other donors committed to contribute to various sectors benefiting disadvantaged Timorese concern and denounce the existing corruption. In the case of Portugal these repairs do not happen because the Socialist Government itself is facing the corruption and what more it – the so-called KKN in Timor-Leste. It is Collusion, corruption and nepotism.
But, of course, the Timorese corruption is not just pointed to with regard to “recipients sectors", of providing "foreign aid". Corruption is wider, KKN is much wider in Timor-Leste. We saw this in relation to the company of Zenilde Gusmão and other relatives of Gusmão ", for example. Case barefaced there is no any action, unpunished. Other cases are of public knowledge, and even on the list were in times of hopes be solved by new PGR, Ana Pessoa, but it seems that a blanket of impunity like the previous PGR, Longuinhos Monteiro, and meanwhile so many enquiries and proof naming this and that for the "KKN" package – the case of Mário Carrascalão, appointed Vice Prime-Minister and until now did nothing, or nothing has brought benefits to the fight against corruption, at least that had seen. Impunity continues until there are signs that is institutionalised. Why ever talk less in it. It is "our bread each day ".
Agio Pereira says that "in our country there have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, mainly in IV Constitutional Government. “Please, this citizen is responsible for Timorese Government believes that is talking to delayed mental illness? Even the very little evidence that speech gave nothing and if some achievable it will be lower branch of the Administration, however nothing has seen and impunity is the statute.
It is also statute the other impunities. The violations of the Constitution, the subordination of the Judiciary to Political Power, the militarisation of the PNTL, to turn into private army interests of a few, as are accusing etc.
Finally, and in time, partly because the Copenhagen Summit is happening, was asked the Agio Pereira: "… East Timor is part of the Group of countries, that being small islands may be much affected by Global warming. How does the Government follow the situation? “The interviewee hit back: "we have very deep studies on alternatives energies. We have a specific State Secretariat for energy resources, we have a company that is doing a survey on the possible solutions for alternatives energies. Our country has much potential with high mountains and we can explore the potential wind and solar too. And we can be independent and sustainable energy resources. This study should be presented in May 2010”.
Pornographic. It is simply pornographic. Then, if so how justify Agio Pereira everything that has already been spent with the energy central of heavy oil highly polluting? What has already been lost? Who is responsible for the funds already spent and who benefited from them? And until then, what Agio is talking is true – although in accordance with the declared by the Government a few weeks-what are the prospects for action until the alternatives energies work? In reality what is happening with the "business" of heavy oil?
And the journalist could not confront the interviewee with this flagrant pose porn? But what style so horrendous takes the profession forward. Understand the salary is important at the end of the month. Constraints understandable but unacceptable and which are "dissolving" a beautiful and usefulness profession. It is not only in this case. The interviewee commanded the interviewer. Considering the circumstances, the interview was good and the interviewee was smart. But that was an orgy … There it was.
Finally, only the carving of fork, someone comment accompanying fuse wire to Timor, almost since born, currently with a "nice age":
"Agio says:" these past years, we have three public demonstrations against Governments. "
It seems that he forgot the greatest demonstration of them all, and further most influenced the course of events at TL. I am referring of course to demonstration of MUNJ, Rai Los campaign also, Xanana and Kirsty, Horta and Lasama and that served to overthrow the legitimately elected Government.
Agio also forget to mention the active presence and intervention of the American Ambassador what describes as "unprecedented demonstration the Catholic Church itself involved ".
More ahead, says: "but the independence exists, the courts are not elected and interpret laws.”
To add the independence of this sovereignty body only exists while the PR, the PM or any Minister do not remember to disallow, name of a supposed "national interest", as happened recently with the illegal release of Martinus Bere. The interviewer, visibly off this event, also did not rise on the Agio on this contradiction between the theory and practice.
Despite everything, I liked the optimism of Agio and mature as way of talking Timorese democracy, the opposition and a future without conflicts. Also I appreciated very much the confirmation that there is a change of 180 degree Government energy policies: "we can explore the potential wind and solar also. And we remain independent and sustainable in terms of energetic resources ". Bravo! "
That credit may dispense with the Agio Pereira?
By ANTÓNIO VERÍSSIMO
That credit may dispense with the ÁGIO PEREIRA?
In edition of the Sol magazine, which we put to the TLN and you can read more below, we read that "visiting Portugal to mark the 10th anniversary of the referendum that opened the door to independence, the Secretary of State the Council of Ministers of East Timor, Ágio Pereira rejects the Australian accusations of existence of corruption in Government and does not accept the hypothesis return to violence.”
These two references of Ágio Pereira in the interview that it was desirable to be intelligent enough to understand the degree of intentional misrepresentation or mistakenly assimilated how he expresses. Deeply declarations pornographic that display the body of a Government composed of players’ porn-politicians who offend public morals of citizen throughout the planet, at least those that read the interview and who know the reality of Timor.
Ágio Pereira says that "does not accept the assumption of a return to violence". Therefore, does not explain the conditions under which admits this. It should be while engendered AMP continues in power and distribute titles, contracts to the heads of hooliganisms groups. And, possibly, the AMP and most of that actually are in possession of Government and satellites institutions lose their seats and back to common citizens to vote in elections? If the opposition led by Fretilin will win elections? Also, as it always happened. Ensures Ágio Pereira that defeated groups not back again for violence to take power? Ensures no repeated violence 2006 or worse? This is not guaranteed, nor the question was it made by journalist. This would be an inconvenient question and politically incorrect.
But certainly the journalist in question is aware that this engendered AMP designed post election results, is Government after its mutinous have caused hundreds of deaths and the destruction of thousands housing, and that whosoever acted violently, was "Thanks" of personalities currently installed in high positions of political power. You must know any citizen minimally informed about East Timor knows this.
Therefore, we can offer an opinion and conclude that pornography of the interview is made by two, otherwise would not be pornographic, or would have lacked additional objects type vibratory, for example.
But the crucial, the climax, is supposed to be reached when something as distinguished corruption comes in scene and undress showing the dishonesties. Agio Pereira “refutes the Australian allegations, existence of corruption in Government “mentions the journalist. And it is well. It was said by the interviewee.
The question: "The Australia Ambassador in Timor identified corruption and lack of experience of Government as the main causes of wasteful external help. How does Dili react? “Agio Pereira responds: "when we talk about money donated most of that is not corruptible. For international projects they bring their consultants and engaged in physical structures. Of way that this project implementation arrangement there is little scope for corruption. Corruption can come from donors, but in the context of recipients the area of corruption is very small. “And yet, when the journalist not satisfied and asks” doesn’t corruption worries? Agio Pereira reply: "when referring to corruption in general, I think all countries are suffering. Australia, Portugal, and USA – this economic crisis was born due to corruption. In a developing country, usually refers to corruption in the context of the management of public money. In our country have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, especially this IV Constitutional Government. "
It shows that this is typical behaviour associated white-collar criminals that is a distraction’s manoeuvre want to justify their errors with similar examples to practice pointing in other directions. Of course that there is a little corruption by all countries, some more than others, however the existing corruption in Timor-Leste achieves huge indexes nothing comparable with those of Australia, which has a very low index in the spectrum world. It is legitimate to Australia and other donors committed to contribute to various sectors benefiting disadvantaged Timorese concern and denounce the existing corruption. In the case of Portugal these repairs do not happen because the Socialist Government itself is facing the corruption and what more it – the so-called KKN in Timor-Leste. It is Collusion, corruption and nepotism.
But, of course, the Timorese corruption is not just pointed to with regard to “recipients sectors", of providing "foreign aid". Corruption is wider, KKN is much wider in Timor-Leste. We saw this in relation to the company of Zenilde Gusmão and other relatives of Gusmão ", for example. Case barefaced there is no any action, unpunished. Other cases are of public knowledge, and even on the list were in times of hopes be solved by new PGR, Ana Pessoa, but it seems that a blanket of impunity like the previous PGR, Longuinhos Monteiro, and meanwhile so many enquiries and proof naming this and that for the "KKN" package – the case of Mário Carrascalão, appointed Vice Prime-Minister and until now did nothing, or nothing has brought benefits to the fight against corruption, at least that had seen. Impunity continues until there are signs that is institutionalised. Why ever talk less in it. It is "our bread each day ".
Agio Pereira says that "in our country there have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, mainly in IV Constitutional Government. “Please, this citizen is responsible for Timorese Government believes that is talking to delayed mental illness? Even the very little evidence that speech gave nothing and if some achievable it will be lower branch of the Administration, however nothing has seen and impunity is the statute.
It is also statute the other impunities. The violations of the Constitution, the subordination of the Judiciary to Political Power, the militarisation of the PNTL, to turn into private army interests of a few, as are accusing etc.
Finally, and in time, partly because the Copenhagen Summit is happening, was asked the Agio Pereira: "… East Timor is part of the Group of countries, that being small islands may be much affected by Global warming. How does the Government follow the situation? “The interviewee hit back: "we have very deep studies on alternatives energies. We have a specific State Secretariat for energy resources, we have a company that is doing a survey on the possible solutions for alternatives energies. Our country has much potential with high mountains and we can explore the potential wind and solar too. And we can be independent and sustainable energy resources. This study should be presented in May 2010”.
Pornographic. It is simply pornographic. Then, if so how justify Agio Pereira everything that has already been spent with the energy central of heavy oil highly polluting? What has already been lost? Who is responsible for the funds already spent and who benefited from them? And until then, what Agio is talking is true – although in accordance with the declared by the Government a few weeks-what are the prospects for action until the alternatives energies work? In reality what is happening with the "business" of heavy oil?
And the journalist could not confront the interviewee with this flagrant pose porn? But what style so horrendous takes the profession forward. Understand the salary is important at the end of the month. Constraints understandable but unacceptable and which are "dissolving" a beautiful and usefulness profession. It is not only in this case. The interviewee commanded the interviewer. Considering the circumstances, the interview was good and the interviewee was smart. But that was an orgy … There it was.
Finally, only the carving of fork, someone comment accompanying fuse wire to Timor, almost since born, currently with a "nice age":
"Agio says:" these past years, we have three public demonstrations against Governments. "
It seems that he forgot the greatest demonstration of them all, and further most influenced the course of events at TL. I am referring of course to demonstration of MUNJ, Rai Los campaign also, Xanana and Kirsty, Horta and Lasama and that served to overthrow the legitimately elected Government.
Agio also forget to mention the active presence and intervention of the American Ambassador what describes as "unprecedented demonstration the Catholic Church itself involved ".
More ahead, says: "but the independence exists, the courts are not elected and interpret laws.”
To add the independence of this sovereignty body only exists while the PR, the PM or any Minister do not remember to disallow, name of a supposed "national interest", as happened recently with the illegal release of Martinus Bere. The interviewer, visibly off this event, also did not rise on the Agio on this contradiction between the theory and practice.
Despite everything, I liked the optimism of Agio and mature as way of talking Timorese democracy, the opposition and a future without conflicts. Also I appreciated very much the confirmation that there is a change of 180 degree Government energy policies: "we can explore the potential wind and solar also. And we remain independent and sustainable in terms of energetic resources ". Bravo! "
That credit may dispense with the Agio Pereira?
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
Dear all
Merry Christmas and Happy New Year
"INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) "
I don't agree with this introduction that does not match what had happened in Timor Leste. The information is not correct and is misleading those who believe because it did not follow the evolution of the situation.
I do not want to say that our security forces are perfect we have made mistakes many areas need some improvement but not the method outside want and also you must remember that we are a new country with 10 years of independence.
It is all very nice talking about the Security Sector Reform for Timor Leste but should reflect that your Governments or countries were involved in the crisis of 2006 and which must assume the responsibilities of this mess because the truths are being hidden wanting so wash hands or simply forget everything that had happened.
I believe the published security documents outside are misguided in calling for a reform. What kind of reform? What is the credibility of the Timorese Government corrupt and criminal, conspirators of the 2006 crisis installed and supported by former Australian Government?
You must open our eyes not making Timor Leste a dump field and treat the Timorese with a neo-colonial mentality and support a Government so corrupt.
It is good not come with many stories launching dust in the eyes of the people of Timor Leste; they already suffered and died during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation. You should be ashamed to say these lies above description only to serve your interests. The crisis of 2006 was created and fomented by the policy “regime change “of the PM John Howard initiated by Bush policy, with the aim of overthrowing the Timor Leste Government. Recall that John Howard was always a supporter and sponsor the autonomy and integration of East Timor. Foreign intervention was not for the good of the Timor Leste people was yes to the natural wealth oil and gas. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Currently we have seen the hostility of the oil companies against the Timorese government involved in the "Great Sunrise" pipeline to East Timor. The collapse of the police is the fact that the command has abandoned the post in support of conspirators 2006 crisis whose authors are Xanana, Horta, Lasama and their accomplices with Australian Government support. Presently the ex Commandant Paulo Martins is member of the Parliament of Xanana Gusmão CNRT party and the new commandant Longinhos we can also consider one of conspirators. It was only the Dili police headquarters suffered the fall but did not happen in the Districts and Sub districts Station of Timor Leste.
The reform should be made gradually according to the conditions of East Timor and not and never compiled documents imported from outside the United Nations or countries involved in the crisis to be applied to police of Timor Leste. What is the honesty of those countries and how we can trust if were implicated in the crisis and installation corrupt and criminal government? The government of these countries nothing contributed for our liberation struggle working only for our destruction to a failed State and thus remains with the pretext of instability. Some public statements on the Security Reform made by current Secretaries of Defense and Security of States were well explicit in explanations of non-interference of the Nation internal affairs.
Currently all we do they consider wrong such superiority complex pointing fingers and accusing our security institutions. As we all know they had created the mess in 2006 crisis comes to tell us now to put our House in order. Shame! And also should not forget that our police were trained and developed by the United Nations in coordination with the Government of East Timor. What do you or they want? We are not slaves of your interests. I think it is only to make money at the expense of Timor Leste people like” NGO ALOLA” has done belong Xanana wife money deposited in Australian Banks and many more with government subsidies.
Selling these theories this type of research as has always done in many areas: health, education, infrastructure, etc. through its advisers, which is a waste of funds on projects many of these are under the carpet that do not reflect the realities of East Timor. It is a bitter pill to swallow because it is the difficult to hear the truths what happened in East Timor, the way as I express I lived and I followed the situation closely and I am able to refute all details on this subject.
Let’s to decide what is best for our country as an independent nation. What we want is a real security it is fair to all society no outside interference and to maintain stability with a lasting peace to focus on the construction and development of the country.
Nothing is perfect in this world, we are all human beings, our brain to think and think that we cannot better than others, many theories imported from abroad including security only to confuse, destroy and distort our aspirations.
Here are some extracts of intentions of Australia on East Timor.
The post-independence crisis in Timor Leste has drawn attention to the fragility of institutions in that newly independent country. Australian intervention in 2006 has been accompanied by menacing suggestions of a “failed state” - not just a state that cannot govern itself, but one that poses a threat to others, thus justifying intervention. Yet foreign intervention is anathema to independence and self-governance (in East Timorese terms, “ukun rasik an”).
The immediate danger to Timor Leste's established right to self-determination is likely to be an Australian neo-colonial dominance that could reverse the independent path the nation has undertaken, with its new constitution, national development plan and distinctive policies. The internationalization of the intervention (the UN involvement) only slightly diminishes this threat. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Australian Government and corporate media have not even condemned the renegade soldiers who took up arms against their own government and shot people in the street. John Howard and Alexander Downer pretend an “even-handed” policy to Timor Leste's elected government and its violent renegades.
President Xanana Gusmao has so far escaped criticism for not denouncing the renegade soldiers and gangs that are acting in his name. Xanana has great domestic popularity and has not been so closely implicated in the policy conflicts with Australia.
The attacks on Prime Minister Alkatiri reflect underlying tensions that have been building for some time. The prime minister, a strong economic nationalist, remains the country's chief strategist. Many of the tensions relate to distinctive policy developments in the seven years since 1999. The best known achievements have been in the oil and gas dispute, but there have also been modest advances in agriculture, health and education. Yet associated with many of these advances have been opposition or hostility from Australia, and its mentor, the US.
There was wide support for the construction of a new constitution (with a bill of rights, a highly democratic electoral system, recognition of shared national resources and customary law) and a development plan. The pursuit of a greedy Australian Government over East Timor's oil and gas resources proved more difficult. Alkatiri led the first round of negotiations (mainly over the Bayu-Undan field), with broad East Timorese and Australian support. The deal shifted Australia's 80-20 offer to a 90-10 settlement. The second round (over the Greater Sunrise field) shifted the Australian “final” position of 18-82 to a settlement of 50-50.
In both sets of talks there was considerable aggravation, particularly the latter, where Australia got its way in deferring fixed maritime boundaries. Australian officials and some academics told the East Timorese again and again that they were “unrealistic” and would get nowhere. Downer told Alkatiri he would give him "a lesson" in politics. Downer and the “realists” were wrong. The East Timorese did not get their full claim, but they came out several billion dollars ahead.
On agriculture both the World Bank and the Australian Government opposed the transitional government's plans (2000-02) to rehabilitate rice fields, and to use aid money for public grain silos and a public abattoir. That is, the Australian Government - blinded by neo-liberal ideology, and their belief in privatization and export orientation - blocked East Timorese developmental plans. Yet few interventions are more destructive to development than obstructing a small, post-colonial nation defining and creating its own institutions.
Whatever their prior knowledge of the Reinado-led rebellion, the Australian Government made good use of it to undermine the elected government of Timor Leste. However, domestic compromises (including two ministerial resignations, the promotion of Ramos Horta and a UN inquiry) seem to have forced a temporary back-down. Yet if the “palace coup” does not succeed on this occasion, we will need to closely watch progress in what The Australian calls the now “poisoned” relationship between the Howard and the Alkatiri governments. At stake is an independent
Herein lies the problem. An oligarchy of Australian business leaders, who consistently opposed East Timorese independence, pre-1999, have openly declared themselves hostile to the Fretilin-led project. The Howard regime gives lip service to East Timorese autonomy, but shares the hostility. This is a strategic hostility as much as opposition to any particular policy. But the ‘protectorate' mindset certainly wants easier access to East Timorese resources, greater privileging of foreign investment, abolition of East Timor's army and a shift in national language policy from Portuguese-Tetum to English-Tetum.
It seems likely that, even with Alkatiri sidelined, a Fretilin-led government will maintain the strategy spelt out in East Timor's National Development Plan and sectoral policies, and backed by the Constitution. Alternatively (and if Murdoch's scribblers have their way), a more ‘Australian friendly' government might be persuaded to abandon its economic nationalist past, and accept protectorate status.
So what is the problem with a small country taking loans from the World Bank and becoming more ‘western friendly'? Isn't this a legitimate way of attracting investment, improving governance and reducing poverty? Let's examine this, in light of experience elsewhere.
The process begins with loans for essential infrastructure, usually power and roads; and in East Timor everyone has been complaining about power and roads. The World Bank would loan money to the government at low commercial interest or (in view of East Timor's low GDP per capita) a very low IDA loan at only 0.7% interest over 35 years. This, at first glance, seems generous. But strict conditions would be attached, in the form of a ‘good governance' contract.
An important section of the ‘good governance' conditions would stipulate that, while the loan is public, the construction and service delivery would be private - a ‘development partnership'. This means that large foreign companies would be contracted to construct the power grid and roads, while others would meter and enforce a ‘user pays' power supply regime. As the ‘good governance' agreement would also stipulates no price subsidies, the only way poor families could access power would be by direct fiscal subsidy. But the government has no spare cash, which is why it would have borrowed in the first place.
Such ‘partnership' schemes have seen even water supplies become unaffordable in major cities from The Philippines to Bolivia. The small middle classes who can afford the fees might get a better service, but the government will still have to intervene to ensure quality and contain the corruption that privatizations
So why do the leaders of developing countries participate in neo-liberal programs, when they are so damaging for ordinary poor people? Sometimes they have been obliged to cut political deals, for independence. Sometimes it is due to policy weakness and a desire to accommodate the big powers - some elements of this are now visible in East Timor. But very often leaders (such as Indonesia's Suharto) enter the business elite themselves, taking commissions, rents and other benefits from cashed up aid and privatization programs. Neo-liberal ‘good governance' (previously called ‘structural adjustment') has most often enhanced this corruption, rather than preventing it.
The Australian role in undermining East Timorese independence is difficult to see now, with a barrage of media influencing the desire to see ourselves as the little country's ‘saviors’. We are nothing of the sort. Australian friends of East Timor should recognize the shocking prospects of neo-liberal protectorate status, and maintain their support for an independent nation.
--- On Tue, 15/12/09, ETAN wrote:
From: ETAN
Subject: Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
To: east-timor@lists.riseup.net
Received: Tuesday, 15 December, 2009, 5:29 AM
- Show quoted text -
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
-----Inline Attachment Follows-----
Merry Christmas and Happy New Year
"INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) "
I don't agree with this introduction that does not match what had happened in Timor Leste. The information is not correct and is misleading those who believe because it did not follow the evolution of the situation.
I do not want to say that our security forces are perfect we have made mistakes many areas need some improvement but not the method outside want and also you must remember that we are a new country with 10 years of independence.
It is all very nice talking about the Security Sector Reform for Timor Leste but should reflect that your Governments or countries were involved in the crisis of 2006 and which must assume the responsibilities of this mess because the truths are being hidden wanting so wash hands or simply forget everything that had happened.
I believe the published security documents outside are misguided in calling for a reform. What kind of reform? What is the credibility of the Timorese Government corrupt and criminal, conspirators of the 2006 crisis installed and supported by former Australian Government?
You must open our eyes not making Timor Leste a dump field and treat the Timorese with a neo-colonial mentality and support a Government so corrupt.
It is good not come with many stories launching dust in the eyes of the people of Timor Leste; they already suffered and died during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation. You should be ashamed to say these lies above description only to serve your interests. The crisis of 2006 was created and fomented by the policy “regime change “of the PM John Howard initiated by Bush policy, with the aim of overthrowing the Timor Leste Government. Recall that John Howard was always a supporter and sponsor the autonomy and integration of East Timor. Foreign intervention was not for the good of the Timor Leste people was yes to the natural wealth oil and gas. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Currently we have seen the hostility of the oil companies against the Timorese government involved in the "Great Sunrise" pipeline to East Timor. The collapse of the police is the fact that the command has abandoned the post in support of conspirators 2006 crisis whose authors are Xanana, Horta, Lasama and their accomplices with Australian Government support. Presently the ex Commandant Paulo Martins is member of the Parliament of Xanana Gusmão CNRT party and the new commandant Longinhos we can also consider one of conspirators. It was only the Dili police headquarters suffered the fall but did not happen in the Districts and Sub districts Station of Timor Leste.
The reform should be made gradually according to the conditions of East Timor and not and never compiled documents imported from outside the United Nations or countries involved in the crisis to be applied to police of Timor Leste. What is the honesty of those countries and how we can trust if were implicated in the crisis and installation corrupt and criminal government? The government of these countries nothing contributed for our liberation struggle working only for our destruction to a failed State and thus remains with the pretext of instability. Some public statements on the Security Reform made by current Secretaries of Defense and Security of States were well explicit in explanations of non-interference of the Nation internal affairs.
Currently all we do they consider wrong such superiority complex pointing fingers and accusing our security institutions. As we all know they had created the mess in 2006 crisis comes to tell us now to put our House in order. Shame! And also should not forget that our police were trained and developed by the United Nations in coordination with the Government of East Timor. What do you or they want? We are not slaves of your interests. I think it is only to make money at the expense of Timor Leste people like” NGO ALOLA” has done belong Xanana wife money deposited in Australian Banks and many more with government subsidies.
Selling these theories this type of research as has always done in many areas: health, education, infrastructure, etc. through its advisers, which is a waste of funds on projects many of these are under the carpet that do not reflect the realities of East Timor. It is a bitter pill to swallow because it is the difficult to hear the truths what happened in East Timor, the way as I express I lived and I followed the situation closely and I am able to refute all details on this subject.
Let’s to decide what is best for our country as an independent nation. What we want is a real security it is fair to all society no outside interference and to maintain stability with a lasting peace to focus on the construction and development of the country.
Nothing is perfect in this world, we are all human beings, our brain to think and think that we cannot better than others, many theories imported from abroad including security only to confuse, destroy and distort our aspirations.
Here are some extracts of intentions of Australia on East Timor.
The post-independence crisis in Timor Leste has drawn attention to the fragility of institutions in that newly independent country. Australian intervention in 2006 has been accompanied by menacing suggestions of a “failed state” - not just a state that cannot govern itself, but one that poses a threat to others, thus justifying intervention. Yet foreign intervention is anathema to independence and self-governance (in East Timorese terms, “ukun rasik an”).
The immediate danger to Timor Leste's established right to self-determination is likely to be an Australian neo-colonial dominance that could reverse the independent path the nation has undertaken, with its new constitution, national development plan and distinctive policies. The internationalization of the intervention (the UN involvement) only slightly diminishes this threat. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Australian Government and corporate media have not even condemned the renegade soldiers who took up arms against their own government and shot people in the street. John Howard and Alexander Downer pretend an “even-handed” policy to Timor Leste's elected government and its violent renegades.
President Xanana Gusmao has so far escaped criticism for not denouncing the renegade soldiers and gangs that are acting in his name. Xanana has great domestic popularity and has not been so closely implicated in the policy conflicts with Australia.
The attacks on Prime Minister Alkatiri reflect underlying tensions that have been building for some time. The prime minister, a strong economic nationalist, remains the country's chief strategist. Many of the tensions relate to distinctive policy developments in the seven years since 1999. The best known achievements have been in the oil and gas dispute, but there have also been modest advances in agriculture, health and education. Yet associated with many of these advances have been opposition or hostility from Australia, and its mentor, the US.
There was wide support for the construction of a new constitution (with a bill of rights, a highly democratic electoral system, recognition of shared national resources and customary law) and a development plan. The pursuit of a greedy Australian Government over East Timor's oil and gas resources proved more difficult. Alkatiri led the first round of negotiations (mainly over the Bayu-Undan field), with broad East Timorese and Australian support. The deal shifted Australia's 80-20 offer to a 90-10 settlement. The second round (over the Greater Sunrise field) shifted the Australian “final” position of 18-82 to a settlement of 50-50.
In both sets of talks there was considerable aggravation, particularly the latter, where Australia got its way in deferring fixed maritime boundaries. Australian officials and some academics told the East Timorese again and again that they were “unrealistic” and would get nowhere. Downer told Alkatiri he would give him "a lesson" in politics. Downer and the “realists” were wrong. The East Timorese did not get their full claim, but they came out several billion dollars ahead.
On agriculture both the World Bank and the Australian Government opposed the transitional government's plans (2000-02) to rehabilitate rice fields, and to use aid money for public grain silos and a public abattoir. That is, the Australian Government - blinded by neo-liberal ideology, and their belief in privatization and export orientation - blocked East Timorese developmental plans. Yet few interventions are more destructive to development than obstructing a small, post-colonial nation defining and creating its own institutions.
Whatever their prior knowledge of the Reinado-led rebellion, the Australian Government made good use of it to undermine the elected government of Timor Leste. However, domestic compromises (including two ministerial resignations, the promotion of Ramos Horta and a UN inquiry) seem to have forced a temporary back-down. Yet if the “palace coup” does not succeed on this occasion, we will need to closely watch progress in what The Australian calls the now “poisoned” relationship between the Howard and the Alkatiri governments. At stake is an independent
Herein lies the problem. An oligarchy of Australian business leaders, who consistently opposed East Timorese independence, pre-1999, have openly declared themselves hostile to the Fretilin-led project. The Howard regime gives lip service to East Timorese autonomy, but shares the hostility. This is a strategic hostility as much as opposition to any particular policy. But the ‘protectorate' mindset certainly wants easier access to East Timorese resources, greater privileging of foreign investment, abolition of East Timor's army and a shift in national language policy from Portuguese-Tetum to English-Tetum.
It seems likely that, even with Alkatiri sidelined, a Fretilin-led government will maintain the strategy spelt out in East Timor's National Development Plan and sectoral policies, and backed by the Constitution. Alternatively (and if Murdoch's scribblers have their way), a more ‘Australian friendly' government might be persuaded to abandon its economic nationalist past, and accept protectorate status.
So what is the problem with a small country taking loans from the World Bank and becoming more ‘western friendly'? Isn't this a legitimate way of attracting investment, improving governance and reducing poverty? Let's examine this, in light of experience elsewhere.
The process begins with loans for essential infrastructure, usually power and roads; and in East Timor everyone has been complaining about power and roads. The World Bank would loan money to the government at low commercial interest or (in view of East Timor's low GDP per capita) a very low IDA loan at only 0.7% interest over 35 years. This, at first glance, seems generous. But strict conditions would be attached, in the form of a ‘good governance' contract.
An important section of the ‘good governance' conditions would stipulate that, while the loan is public, the construction and service delivery would be private - a ‘development partnership'. This means that large foreign companies would be contracted to construct the power grid and roads, while others would meter and enforce a ‘user pays' power supply regime. As the ‘good governance' agreement would also stipulates no price subsidies, the only way poor families could access power would be by direct fiscal subsidy. But the government has no spare cash, which is why it would have borrowed in the first place.
Such ‘partnership' schemes have seen even water supplies become unaffordable in major cities from The Philippines to Bolivia. The small middle classes who can afford the fees might get a better service, but the government will still have to intervene to ensure quality and contain the corruption that privatizations
So why do the leaders of developing countries participate in neo-liberal programs, when they are so damaging for ordinary poor people? Sometimes they have been obliged to cut political deals, for independence. Sometimes it is due to policy weakness and a desire to accommodate the big powers - some elements of this are now visible in East Timor. But very often leaders (such as Indonesia's Suharto) enter the business elite themselves, taking commissions, rents and other benefits from cashed up aid and privatization programs. Neo-liberal ‘good governance' (previously called ‘structural adjustment') has most often enhanced this corruption, rather than preventing it.
The Australian role in undermining East Timorese independence is difficult to see now, with a barrage of media influencing the desire to see ourselves as the little country's ‘saviors’. We are nothing of the sort. Australian friends of East Timor should recognize the shocking prospects of neo-liberal protectorate status, and maintain their support for an independent nation.
--- On Tue, 15/12/09, ETAN
From: ETAN
Subject: Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
To: east-timor@lists.riseup.net
Received: Tuesday, 15 December, 2009, 5:29 AM
- Show quoted text -
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
-----Inline Attachment Follows-----
Saturday, 19 December 2009
Behind ‘Balibo’ And Its Banning
Behind ‘Balibo’ And Its Banning
A young Jose Ramos-Horta, shown as the foreign minister of a newly independent East Timor, implores Roger East, an aging Australian journalist, to travel to his country to run a media agency. Five young journalists are shot and stabbed as they attempt to surrender to Indonesian soldiers who are mounting incursions over the border. Later, Dili is invaded by Indonesian forces and Timorese civilians are lined up and shot on the pier. East is executed along with them.
These are scenes from Robert Connolly’s film “Balibo,” which portrays the 1975 murder of five Australia-based journalists by the Indonesian military in the East Timorese border town of Balibo. Banned by censors here because of its “potential to reopen old wounds” and “questionable objectivity,” the people behind the film say it is a true story.
Gatot Purwanto, who was an Indonesian army lieutenant at the time and who witnessed the killings, recently told Tempo magazine that the journalists known as the Balibo Five were killed to keep the truth about Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor from the outside world. He also said that the killings were provoked by gunshots coming from the direction of the house that the journalists were in. But his version, clearly at odds with how things played out in “Balibo,” is not accepted by the Indonesian military.
Dr. Clinton Fernandes the film’s consulting historian, whose background includes working as the principle analyst for the Australian Intelligence Corps on East Timor in the 1990s described the movie as “very accurate.” He said that while any film is always a “collection of fragments,” this concept doesn’t detract from film’s veracity.
“It is a true story in the sense that it telescopes events that would have taken much longer,” he said in a phone interview last week.
“In one scene , you find Roger East watching parachutists come down and then he is captured and killed, all in the space of about ten minutes. In reality, we’re talking about something which took about a day and a half.”
Fernandes said that several film techniques were used to convey information succinctly. For example, in the scene where the Balibo Five are killed, the film depicts the same soldier who ordered the killings as the one who carried them out.
“We know for a fact that Dading Kalbuadi [the overall commander of the Indonesian forces in East Timor] was in [the town of] Batugade and he gave the order that anyone found there would have to be killed. Then Yunus Yosfiah and others went and killed the Balibo Five,” he said. “No movie can be expected to give the full version of the discussion, the assault, the killings. You’ve got to do it quickly, which is why what we have is Kalbuadi himself doing the killing.
“We are trying to show that it is a state crime, not a low-level rogue element. The film shows a senior officer participating in the killing because in real life, a senior officer ordered the killing.”
The film’s background is detailed on the “Balibo in depth” link on the balibo.com Web site. This link, curated by Fernandes, provides commentary on the film’s version of what happened versus the reality, and details the events upon which the scenes are based.
For example, the Web site explains the role of Juliana de Costa, a Timorese woman who we see at the beginning and end of the film giving her testimony on the events in East Timor. According to the Web site, she “is a composite character derived from the extensive work of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation.”
The commission, which aimed to document human rights violations during the occupation of East Timor, collected 7,824 statements from people across the country. According to the “Balibo” Web site, these testimonies detail “patterns of abuses, such as arbitrary detentions, torture, rape and massive property destruction.”
“Balibo” also touches on the complicity of Australia and the United States in the invasion, with scenes showing a newspaper photo of Gough Whitlam, Australia’s prime minister at the time, with then-President Suharto. In a later scene, a US-made helicopter shoots at East and Ramos-Horta, who is now the real life president of the country of Timor Leste.
The Web site provides evidence of the Whitlam government’s knowledge of events in Balibo, despite official acceptance of Indonesia’s version that the journalists were killed in cross-fire. A declassified Australian government document dated Oct. 22, 1975 is shown on the Web site, detailing the killing of five Australian journalists by invading forces.
“After the Balibo Five were killed,” Fernandes said, “the Indonesian military paused in their operations, waiting to see what kind of reaction there would be from the Australian government. When no reaction was forthcoming, it was assigned to the Indonesian military that they could treat the Timorese as they wished, which is what they did.”
It was only in 2007 that Australia launched a coroner’s inquest into the deaths of the Balibo Five. The inquest, which found that they had been murdered to prevent news of the invasion from reaching the outside world, was described by Fernandes as “a very robust process.”
“It was the first inquest that had the power to compel testimony of witnesses and to compel production of documents, including intelligence material. It had 66 witnesses, including two dozen Timorese who were bought in to testify,” he said.
“The material presented was very thorough, witnesses were cross-examined and there were numerous eye witnesses that were present at the Balibo square watching the murder of the Balibo Five.”
Fernandes said that after the journalists were killed, their bodies were redressed in military uniforms and the corpses posed behind weapons. “The aim of this was to pretend the Balibo Five were legitimate targets, but when people saw the photographs, they realized that the Fretilin [Timorese] soldiers had disabled the weapons and the photos showed the Balibo Five posed behind weapons that clearly could not have been used,” he said. “There is evidence, not only of the murder, but of the cover-up and of the attempt to portray them as legitimate targets.”
One question is why a film was made about Western journalists, when an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Timorese died as a result of the occupation.
“To me the Balibo Five is part of the whole occupation of East Timor. I don’t have any specific concern for the Balibo Five that’s different to my concern for war crimes committed in East Timor,” Fernandes said. “And my support for justice for the people of East Timor is only a component of my broader support for justice for the people of Indonesia.”
Both the film and the war crimes investigation into the deaths of the Balibo Five, launched by the Australian Federal Police in September, have been criticized for having the potential to cause diplomatic tension between Australia and Indonesia.
However, for Shirley Shackleton, the widow of Greg Shackleton, one of the journalists killed in Balibo, the pursuit of justice is what matters.
“Murder is murder. It doesn’t matter when it occurred. Every civilized person in the world requires justice,” Shackleton said in a phone interview last week. “Justice is not about vengeance. In a civilized society, justice is about accountability, and until the Indonesian people cooperate to get justice for the Balibo murders, they won’t get it for themselves.”
Fernandes emphasized that the issue of the murders was “not a dispute between Indonesia and Australia, it is a dispute between people in both those countries, between those who support justice and those who want impunity.”
He said he hoped the film would educate Indonesians about events in East Timor. “I know that Indonesian citizens had very little knowledge of what their military was doing in East Timor because the Indonesian military had always tried to control the narrative. They tried to control the narrative of the independence, after the 1965 killings. They tried to control the narrative of the Suharto years, of the occupation of Timor. For me, the ‘Balibo’ film is an attempt to shake that control of the narrative.”
The ban of the film has not stopped the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) from screening the film and a recent article published in the Jakarta Globe said pirated copies of “Balibo” are now widely available throughout the country.
An article on Tuesday quoted AJI founder, Andreas Harsono, saying the journalists would lodge a challenge at the Constitutional Court if the government took steps to enforce the ban.
Shackleton, however, was optimistic that Indonesia’s ban would only heighten interest. “I’m really pleased they did it,” she said. “The thing they have ensured is that everyone got interested in the film.”
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
A young Jose Ramos-Horta, shown as the foreign minister of a newly independent East Timor, implores Roger East, an aging Australian journalist, to travel to his country to run a media agency. Five young journalists are shot and stabbed as they attempt to surrender to Indonesian soldiers who are mounting incursions over the border. Later, Dili is invaded by Indonesian forces and Timorese civilians are lined up and shot on the pier. East is executed along with them.
These are scenes from Robert Connolly’s film “Balibo,” which portrays the 1975 murder of five Australia-based journalists by the Indonesian military in the East Timorese border town of Balibo. Banned by censors here because of its “potential to reopen old wounds” and “questionable objectivity,” the people behind the film say it is a true story.
Gatot Purwanto, who was an Indonesian army lieutenant at the time and who witnessed the killings, recently told Tempo magazine that the journalists known as the Balibo Five were killed to keep the truth about Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor from the outside world. He also said that the killings were provoked by gunshots coming from the direction of the house that the journalists were in. But his version, clearly at odds with how things played out in “Balibo,” is not accepted by the Indonesian military.
Dr. Clinton Fernandes the film’s consulting historian, whose background includes working as the principle analyst for the Australian Intelligence Corps on East Timor in the 1990s described the movie as “very accurate.” He said that while any film is always a “collection of fragments,” this concept doesn’t detract from film’s veracity.
“It is a true story in the sense that it telescopes events that would have taken much longer,” he said in a phone interview last week.
“In one scene , you find Roger East watching parachutists come down and then he is captured and killed, all in the space of about ten minutes. In reality, we’re talking about something which took about a day and a half.”
Fernandes said that several film techniques were used to convey information succinctly. For example, in the scene where the Balibo Five are killed, the film depicts the same soldier who ordered the killings as the one who carried them out.
“We know for a fact that Dading Kalbuadi [the overall commander of the Indonesian forces in East Timor] was in [the town of] Batugade and he gave the order that anyone found there would have to be killed. Then Yunus Yosfiah and others went and killed the Balibo Five,” he said. “No movie can be expected to give the full version of the discussion, the assault, the killings. You’ve got to do it quickly, which is why what we have is Kalbuadi himself doing the killing.
“We are trying to show that it is a state crime, not a low-level rogue element. The film shows a senior officer participating in the killing because in real life, a senior officer ordered the killing.”
The film’s background is detailed on the “Balibo in depth” link on the balibo.com Web site. This link, curated by Fernandes, provides commentary on the film’s version of what happened versus the reality, and details the events upon which the scenes are based.
For example, the Web site explains the role of Juliana de Costa, a Timorese woman who we see at the beginning and end of the film giving her testimony on the events in East Timor. According to the Web site, she “is a composite character derived from the extensive work of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation.”
The commission, which aimed to document human rights violations during the occupation of East Timor, collected 7,824 statements from people across the country. According to the “Balibo” Web site, these testimonies detail “patterns of abuses, such as arbitrary detentions, torture, rape and massive property destruction.”
“Balibo” also touches on the complicity of Australia and the United States in the invasion, with scenes showing a newspaper photo of Gough Whitlam, Australia’s prime minister at the time, with then-President Suharto. In a later scene, a US-made helicopter shoots at East and Ramos-Horta, who is now the real life president of the country of Timor Leste.
The Web site provides evidence of the Whitlam government’s knowledge of events in Balibo, despite official acceptance of Indonesia’s version that the journalists were killed in cross-fire. A declassified Australian government document dated Oct. 22, 1975 is shown on the Web site, detailing the killing of five Australian journalists by invading forces.
“After the Balibo Five were killed,” Fernandes said, “the Indonesian military paused in their operations, waiting to see what kind of reaction there would be from the Australian government. When no reaction was forthcoming, it was assigned to the Indonesian military that they could treat the Timorese as they wished, which is what they did.”
It was only in 2007 that Australia launched a coroner’s inquest into the deaths of the Balibo Five. The inquest, which found that they had been murdered to prevent news of the invasion from reaching the outside world, was described by Fernandes as “a very robust process.”
“It was the first inquest that had the power to compel testimony of witnesses and to compel production of documents, including intelligence material. It had 66 witnesses, including two dozen Timorese who were bought in to testify,” he said.
“The material presented was very thorough, witnesses were cross-examined and there were numerous eye witnesses that were present at the Balibo square watching the murder of the Balibo Five.”
Fernandes said that after the journalists were killed, their bodies were redressed in military uniforms and the corpses posed behind weapons. “The aim of this was to pretend the Balibo Five were legitimate targets, but when people saw the photographs, they realized that the Fretilin [Timorese] soldiers had disabled the weapons and the photos showed the Balibo Five posed behind weapons that clearly could not have been used,” he said. “There is evidence, not only of the murder, but of the cover-up and of the attempt to portray them as legitimate targets.”
One question is why a film was made about Western journalists, when an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Timorese died as a result of the occupation.
“To me the Balibo Five is part of the whole occupation of East Timor. I don’t have any specific concern for the Balibo Five that’s different to my concern for war crimes committed in East Timor,” Fernandes said. “And my support for justice for the people of East Timor is only a component of my broader support for justice for the people of Indonesia.”
Both the film and the war crimes investigation into the deaths of the Balibo Five, launched by the Australian Federal Police in September, have been criticized for having the potential to cause diplomatic tension between Australia and Indonesia.
However, for Shirley Shackleton, the widow of Greg Shackleton, one of the journalists killed in Balibo, the pursuit of justice is what matters.
“Murder is murder. It doesn’t matter when it occurred. Every civilized person in the world requires justice,” Shackleton said in a phone interview last week. “Justice is not about vengeance. In a civilized society, justice is about accountability, and until the Indonesian people cooperate to get justice for the Balibo murders, they won’t get it for themselves.”
Fernandes emphasized that the issue of the murders was “not a dispute between Indonesia and Australia, it is a dispute between people in both those countries, between those who support justice and those who want impunity.”
He said he hoped the film would educate Indonesians about events in East Timor. “I know that Indonesian citizens had very little knowledge of what their military was doing in East Timor because the Indonesian military had always tried to control the narrative. They tried to control the narrative of the independence, after the 1965 killings. They tried to control the narrative of the Suharto years, of the occupation of Timor. For me, the ‘Balibo’ film is an attempt to shake that control of the narrative.”
The ban of the film has not stopped the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) from screening the film and a recent article published in the Jakarta Globe said pirated copies of “Balibo” are now widely available throughout the country.
An article on Tuesday quoted AJI founder, Andreas Harsono, saying the journalists would lodge a challenge at the Constitutional Court if the government took steps to enforce the ban.
Shackleton, however, was optimistic that Indonesia’s ban would only heighten interest. “I’m really pleased they did it,” she said. “The thing they have ensured is that everyone got interested in the film.”
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
East Timor fighting Darwin gas plant
http://www.ntnews.com.au/article/2009/12/16/109861_nt-business.html
NT News
East Timor fighting Darwin gas plant
DARWIN may miss out on another gas plant, a leading analyst says.
John Hirjee of Deutsche Bank in Melbourne says one of the four partners in the Sunrise field off the Territory coast may opt for a floating production platform in the Timor Sea, rather than an LNG complex alongside Darwin Harbour.
Woodside was last week reported to have chosen the Darwin option. But Mr Hirjee says in a report that the Australian energy company may go for the floating platform option because of opposition from East Timor.
Sunrise, 450km northwest of Darwin, is being developed by Woodside, Shell, ConocoPhillips and Osaka Gas. It lies partly in the Joint Petroleum Development Area, which means royalties from gas exploitation would be shared between Australia and East Timor.
The Dili government wanted the gas to be piped to a LNG plant in East Timor.
But the joint venture partners ruled that out because of political instability, the lack of skilled workers and the deep undersea trench that lies between the country and Sunrise.
East Timor is now lobbying for its second preferred option - processing the gas on a floating platform.
Australian unions oppose this choice because the platform would be manufactured overseas and be manned by mainly foreign workers.
Darwin would miss out on a $2 billion gas plant, which would employ more than 1000 workers during construction and up to 300 during operation.
The joint venture partners are expected to announce their decision by the end of this year.
ConocoPhillips is believed to have chosen the Territory option.
Shell is thought to want a floating platform. It is not known how Osaka Gaswill vote.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
NT News
East Timor fighting Darwin gas plant
DARWIN may miss out on another gas plant, a leading analyst says.
John Hirjee of Deutsche Bank in Melbourne says one of the four partners in the Sunrise field off the Territory coast may opt for a floating production platform in the Timor Sea, rather than an LNG complex alongside Darwin Harbour.
Woodside was last week reported to have chosen the Darwin option. But Mr Hirjee says in a report that the Australian energy company may go for the floating platform option because of opposition from East Timor.
Sunrise, 450km northwest of Darwin, is being developed by Woodside, Shell, ConocoPhillips and Osaka Gas. It lies partly in the Joint Petroleum Development Area, which means royalties from gas exploitation would be shared between Australia and East Timor.
The Dili government wanted the gas to be piped to a LNG plant in East Timor.
But the joint venture partners ruled that out because of political instability, the lack of skilled workers and the deep undersea trench that lies between the country and Sunrise.
East Timor is now lobbying for its second preferred option - processing the gas on a floating platform.
Australian unions oppose this choice because the platform would be manufactured overseas and be manned by mainly foreign workers.
Darwin would miss out on a $2 billion gas plant, which would employ more than 1000 workers during construction and up to 300 during operation.
The joint venture partners are expected to announce their decision by the end of this year.
ConocoPhillips is believed to have chosen the Territory option.
Shell is thought to want a floating platform. It is not known how Osaka Gaswill vote.
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Please support ETAN in 2010
Dear friend and supporter of ETAN,
I have long admired the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN), a clear, effective, and very much needed voice in support of justice, human rights, and accountability. ETAN is the only U.S. group to focus solely on both East Timor and Indonesia, and I am writing to urge you to support it as generously as possible.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Few if any other groups in this country are doing the work that ETAN has done for so long. By giving generously now, you can help ETAN meet the challenges of the coming year.
Almost a year ago, I pointed out to you that, "[d]espite President-elect Barack Obama’s familiarity with Indonesia dating from childhood, positive changes in U.S. policy toward Indonesia and East Timor are not assured." If anything, the new administration has muted human rights criticisms of allies; during Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's February visit to Indonesia, for example, she downplayed these issues. The Pentagon is looking for loopholes so it may resume training of Indonesia's notorious Special Forces (Kopassus) unit, which stands accused of some of the worst human rights violations. Willing and eager to confront those in power whenever necessaryin Washington, Jakarta or DiliETAN opposes assistance to a largely unreformed Indonesian military that continues to resist accountability for its crimes in East Timor, West Papua, and elsewhere.
More than a year ago, the Wall Street Journal Asia editorial page urged then-President-elect Obama to continue the training and to resist “liberal Senators and interest groups,” criticizing ETAN by name for demanding that military assistance to Indonesia be conditioned on real human rights accountability. ETAN was not intimidated. It continues to apply pressure to put justice at the center of U.S. foreign policy. When President Obama makes his high-profile return to Indonesia in 2010, ETAN will provide important alternative perspectives on U.S. policy, past and present.
For 18 years, ETAN’s tenacity has had significant results and accomplishments, such as those described in the following paragraphs. East Timorese, Indonesian, and other activists have often expressed their appreciation for ETAN’s ongoing support for justice, self-determination, and genuine independence for East Timor and human rights and accountability in Indonesia. Please join me in supporting ETAN as it carries out this vital work.
This past August 30, the East Timorese people commemorated the tenth anniversary of their courageous vote for independence. The vote itself remains a remarkable tribute to what the human spirit can achieve. As part of the anniversary observance, ETAN helped organize and participated in a ground-breaking conference in East Timor on the continuing struggle for justice that reunited solidarity activists from around the world and brought them together with a new generation of Timorese activists.
ETAN remains central to international coordination of those seeking justice for the many human rights crimes committedwith U.S. backingduring Indonesia's Suharto dictatorship. ETAN works with groups in Indonesia and East Timor to pressure governments and the United Nations to fulfill past promises of justice they would rather forget. ETAN actively monitors ongoing threats to human rights in both countries, acting to apply pressure in defense of activists and others. Its e-mail lists, website, and blog are praised as irreplaceable sources of information and analysis.
Your support is crucial if ETAN is to continue this important work, all of which it accomplishes on a very modest budget. Nearly all of ETAN’s funds support its advocacy and educational work, with very little spent on fundraising or administration.
ETAN counts on your generous response to this annual appeal. Many non-profit organizations are now struggling financially. ETAN is no exception, making your donation at this time all the more important.
Thank you for joining me in supporting ETAN’s invaluable work.
Sincerely,
/s/
Noam Chomsky
How to Donate to ETAN
To support ETAN’s advocacy work, please make your check out to “East Timor Action Network” and send it to ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873
Click here if would like a form that you can print out and mail.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Or make a monthly pledge via credit card click here
Donations of any size for ETAN's political and advocacy work should be made out to ETAN and are not tax-deductible. U.S. tax-deductible checks for more than $50 can also be made out to "AJ Muste Memorial Institute/ETAN" and will be used to support our educational work.
Please mail your donation to:
ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
see this appeal online at http://www.etan.org/etan/2010app.htm
I have long admired the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN), a clear, effective, and very much needed voice in support of justice, human rights, and accountability. ETAN is the only U.S. group to focus solely on both East Timor and Indonesia, and I am writing to urge you to support it as generously as possible.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Few if any other groups in this country are doing the work that ETAN has done for so long. By giving generously now, you can help ETAN meet the challenges of the coming year.
Almost a year ago, I pointed out to you that, "[d]espite President-elect Barack Obama’s familiarity with Indonesia dating from childhood, positive changes in U.S. policy toward Indonesia and East Timor are not assured." If anything, the new administration has muted human rights criticisms of allies; during Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's February visit to Indonesia, for example, she downplayed these issues. The Pentagon is looking for loopholes so it may resume training of Indonesia's notorious Special Forces (Kopassus) unit, which stands accused of some of the worst human rights violations. Willing and eager to confront those in power whenever necessaryin Washington, Jakarta or DiliETAN opposes assistance to a largely unreformed Indonesian military that continues to resist accountability for its crimes in East Timor, West Papua, and elsewhere.
More than a year ago, the Wall Street Journal Asia editorial page urged then-President-elect Obama to continue the training and to resist “liberal Senators and interest groups,” criticizing ETAN by name for demanding that military assistance to Indonesia be conditioned on real human rights accountability. ETAN was not intimidated. It continues to apply pressure to put justice at the center of U.S. foreign policy. When President Obama makes his high-profile return to Indonesia in 2010, ETAN will provide important alternative perspectives on U.S. policy, past and present.
For 18 years, ETAN’s tenacity has had significant results and accomplishments, such as those described in the following paragraphs. East Timorese, Indonesian, and other activists have often expressed their appreciation for ETAN’s ongoing support for justice, self-determination, and genuine independence for East Timor and human rights and accountability in Indonesia. Please join me in supporting ETAN as it carries out this vital work.
This past August 30, the East Timorese people commemorated the tenth anniversary of their courageous vote for independence. The vote itself remains a remarkable tribute to what the human spirit can achieve. As part of the anniversary observance, ETAN helped organize and participated in a ground-breaking conference in East Timor on the continuing struggle for justice that reunited solidarity activists from around the world and brought them together with a new generation of Timorese activists.
ETAN remains central to international coordination of those seeking justice for the many human rights crimes committedwith U.S. backingduring Indonesia's Suharto dictatorship. ETAN works with groups in Indonesia and East Timor to pressure governments and the United Nations to fulfill past promises of justice they would rather forget. ETAN actively monitors ongoing threats to human rights in both countries, acting to apply pressure in defense of activists and others. Its e-mail lists, website, and blog are praised as irreplaceable sources of information and analysis.
Your support is crucial if ETAN is to continue this important work, all of which it accomplishes on a very modest budget. Nearly all of ETAN’s funds support its advocacy and educational work, with very little spent on fundraising or administration.
ETAN counts on your generous response to this annual appeal. Many non-profit organizations are now struggling financially. ETAN is no exception, making your donation at this time all the more important.
Thank you for joining me in supporting ETAN’s invaluable work.
Sincerely,
/s/
Noam Chomsky
How to Donate to ETAN
To support ETAN’s advocacy work, please make your check out to “East Timor Action Network” and send it to ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873
Click here if would like a form that you can print out and mail.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Or make a monthly pledge via credit card click here
Donations of any size for ETAN's political and advocacy work should be made out to ETAN and are not tax-deductible. U.S. tax-deductible checks for more than $50 can also be made out to "AJ Muste Memorial Institute/ETAN" and will be used to support our educational work.
Please mail your donation to:
ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
see this appeal online at http://www.etan.org/etan/2010app.htm
Malaria control in Timor-Leste during a period of political instability: what lessons
Malaria control in Timor-Leste during a period of political instability: what lessons can be learned?
Malaria is a major global health problem, often exacerbated by political instability, conflict, and forced migration.Objectives: To examine the impact of political upheaval and population displacement in Timor-Leste (2006) on malaria in the country.
Method
Case study approach drawing on both qualitative and quantitative methods including document reviews, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, site visits and analysis of routinely collected data.
Findings
The conflict had its most profound impact on Dili, the capital city, in which tens of thousands of people were displaced from their homes. The conflict interrupted routine malaria service programs and training, but did not lead to an increase in malaria incidence.
Interventions covering treatment, insecticide treated nets (ITN) distribution, vector control, surveillance and health promotion were promptly organized for internally displaced people (IDPs) and routine health services were maintained. Vector control interventions were focused on IDP camps in the city rather than on the whole community.
The crisis contributed to policy change with the introduction of Rapid Diagnostic Tests and artemether-lumefantrine for treatment.
Conclusions: Although the political crisis affected malaria programs there were no outbreaks of malaria. Emergency responses were quickly organized and beneficial long term changes in treatment and diagnosis were facilitated.
Author: Joao MartinsAnthony ZwiNelson MartinsPaul Kelly
Credits/Source: Conflict and Health 2009, 3:11
Malaria is a major global health problem, often exacerbated by political instability, conflict, and forced migration.Objectives: To examine the impact of political upheaval and population displacement in Timor-Leste (2006) on malaria in the country.
Method
Case study approach drawing on both qualitative and quantitative methods including document reviews, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, site visits and analysis of routinely collected data.
Findings
The conflict had its most profound impact on Dili, the capital city, in which tens of thousands of people were displaced from their homes. The conflict interrupted routine malaria service programs and training, but did not lead to an increase in malaria incidence.
Interventions covering treatment, insecticide treated nets (ITN) distribution, vector control, surveillance and health promotion were promptly organized for internally displaced people (IDPs) and routine health services were maintained. Vector control interventions were focused on IDP camps in the city rather than on the whole community.
The crisis contributed to policy change with the introduction of Rapid Diagnostic Tests and artemether-lumefantrine for treatment.
Conclusions: Although the political crisis affected malaria programs there were no outbreaks of malaria. Emergency responses were quickly organized and beneficial long term changes in treatment and diagnosis were facilitated.
Author: Joao MartinsAnthony ZwiNelson MartinsPaul Kelly
Credits/Source: Conflict and Health 2009, 3:11
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