Actionaid Australia and the Small Arms Survey would like to draw your attention to the following new publication from the Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment:
After the guns fall silent: Sexual and gender-based violence in Timor-Leste Issue Brief No. 5
Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is a pervasive global phenomenon, but is often a politically sensitive and unacknowledged issue. It has serious consequences for the physical, reproductive, and psychological health and social well-being of individuals. It also reflects and reinforces inequalities between men and women. SGBV is increasingly regarded as an impediment to the economic and social development of states.
This Issue Brief considers the scale and magnitude of SGBV directed against women and girls in Timor-Leste. It considers the culture of impunity that pervades the country around SGBV and impedes progress on this issue; the lack of 'enjoyment' of human rights by women and girls due to SGBV; and the systematic failure of the security and justice system to tackle violations. Focusing on both the pre- and post-independence eras, it synthesizes the evidence to help identify entry points for the prevention and reduction of SGBV.
The Issue Brief is available in English and Tetum at:
www.timor-leste-violence.org.
For more information, please contact:
Emile LeBrun
Timor-Leste Armed Violence Assessment
Small Arms Survey (Geneva)
+31 6 4848 2004
emile.lebrun@smallarmssurvey.org
www.timor-leste-violence.org
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Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Web site: http://www.etan.org
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Send a blank e-mail message to info@etan.org to find out
how to learn more about East Timor on the Internet
Winners: John Rumbiak Human Rights Defender Award for 2009
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Tuesday, 22 December 2009
AN ORGY COMMANDED BY AGIO PEREIRA
AN ORGY COMMANDED BY AGIO PEREIRA
By ANTÓNIO VERÍSSIMO
That credit may dispense with the ÁGIO PEREIRA?
In edition of the Sol magazine, which we put to the TLN and you can read more below, we read that "visiting Portugal to mark the 10th anniversary of the referendum that opened the door to independence, the Secretary of State the Council of Ministers of East Timor, Ágio Pereira rejects the Australian accusations of existence of corruption in Government and does not accept the hypothesis return to violence.”
These two references of Ágio Pereira in the interview that it was desirable to be intelligent enough to understand the degree of intentional misrepresentation or mistakenly assimilated how he expresses. Deeply declarations pornographic that display the body of a Government composed of players’ porn-politicians who offend public morals of citizen throughout the planet, at least those that read the interview and who know the reality of Timor.
Ágio Pereira says that "does not accept the assumption of a return to violence". Therefore, does not explain the conditions under which admits this. It should be while engendered AMP continues in power and distribute titles, contracts to the heads of hooliganisms groups. And, possibly, the AMP and most of that actually are in possession of Government and satellites institutions lose their seats and back to common citizens to vote in elections? If the opposition led by Fretilin will win elections? Also, as it always happened. Ensures Ágio Pereira that defeated groups not back again for violence to take power? Ensures no repeated violence 2006 or worse? This is not guaranteed, nor the question was it made by journalist. This would be an inconvenient question and politically incorrect.
But certainly the journalist in question is aware that this engendered AMP designed post election results, is Government after its mutinous have caused hundreds of deaths and the destruction of thousands housing, and that whosoever acted violently, was "Thanks" of personalities currently installed in high positions of political power. You must know any citizen minimally informed about East Timor knows this.
Therefore, we can offer an opinion and conclude that pornography of the interview is made by two, otherwise would not be pornographic, or would have lacked additional objects type vibratory, for example.
But the crucial, the climax, is supposed to be reached when something as distinguished corruption comes in scene and undress showing the dishonesties. Agio Pereira “refutes the Australian allegations, existence of corruption in Government “mentions the journalist. And it is well. It was said by the interviewee.
The question: "The Australia Ambassador in Timor identified corruption and lack of experience of Government as the main causes of wasteful external help. How does Dili react? “Agio Pereira responds: "when we talk about money donated most of that is not corruptible. For international projects they bring their consultants and engaged in physical structures. Of way that this project implementation arrangement there is little scope for corruption. Corruption can come from donors, but in the context of recipients the area of corruption is very small. “And yet, when the journalist not satisfied and asks” doesn’t corruption worries? Agio Pereira reply: "when referring to corruption in general, I think all countries are suffering. Australia, Portugal, and USA – this economic crisis was born due to corruption. In a developing country, usually refers to corruption in the context of the management of public money. In our country have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, especially this IV Constitutional Government. "
It shows that this is typical behaviour associated white-collar criminals that is a distraction’s manoeuvre want to justify their errors with similar examples to practice pointing in other directions. Of course that there is a little corruption by all countries, some more than others, however the existing corruption in Timor-Leste achieves huge indexes nothing comparable with those of Australia, which has a very low index in the spectrum world. It is legitimate to Australia and other donors committed to contribute to various sectors benefiting disadvantaged Timorese concern and denounce the existing corruption. In the case of Portugal these repairs do not happen because the Socialist Government itself is facing the corruption and what more it – the so-called KKN in Timor-Leste. It is Collusion, corruption and nepotism.
But, of course, the Timorese corruption is not just pointed to with regard to “recipients sectors", of providing "foreign aid". Corruption is wider, KKN is much wider in Timor-Leste. We saw this in relation to the company of Zenilde Gusmão and other relatives of Gusmão ", for example. Case barefaced there is no any action, unpunished. Other cases are of public knowledge, and even on the list were in times of hopes be solved by new PGR, Ana Pessoa, but it seems that a blanket of impunity like the previous PGR, Longuinhos Monteiro, and meanwhile so many enquiries and proof naming this and that for the "KKN" package – the case of Mário Carrascalão, appointed Vice Prime-Minister and until now did nothing, or nothing has brought benefits to the fight against corruption, at least that had seen. Impunity continues until there are signs that is institutionalised. Why ever talk less in it. It is "our bread each day ".
Agio Pereira says that "in our country there have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, mainly in IV Constitutional Government. “Please, this citizen is responsible for Timorese Government believes that is talking to delayed mental illness? Even the very little evidence that speech gave nothing and if some achievable it will be lower branch of the Administration, however nothing has seen and impunity is the statute.
It is also statute the other impunities. The violations of the Constitution, the subordination of the Judiciary to Political Power, the militarisation of the PNTL, to turn into private army interests of a few, as are accusing etc.
Finally, and in time, partly because the Copenhagen Summit is happening, was asked the Agio Pereira: "… East Timor is part of the Group of countries, that being small islands may be much affected by Global warming. How does the Government follow the situation? “The interviewee hit back: "we have very deep studies on alternatives energies. We have a specific State Secretariat for energy resources, we have a company that is doing a survey on the possible solutions for alternatives energies. Our country has much potential with high mountains and we can explore the potential wind and solar too. And we can be independent and sustainable energy resources. This study should be presented in May 2010”.
Pornographic. It is simply pornographic. Then, if so how justify Agio Pereira everything that has already been spent with the energy central of heavy oil highly polluting? What has already been lost? Who is responsible for the funds already spent and who benefited from them? And until then, what Agio is talking is true – although in accordance with the declared by the Government a few weeks-what are the prospects for action until the alternatives energies work? In reality what is happening with the "business" of heavy oil?
And the journalist could not confront the interviewee with this flagrant pose porn? But what style so horrendous takes the profession forward. Understand the salary is important at the end of the month. Constraints understandable but unacceptable and which are "dissolving" a beautiful and usefulness profession. It is not only in this case. The interviewee commanded the interviewer. Considering the circumstances, the interview was good and the interviewee was smart. But that was an orgy … There it was.
Finally, only the carving of fork, someone comment accompanying fuse wire to Timor, almost since born, currently with a "nice age":
"Agio says:" these past years, we have three public demonstrations against Governments. "
It seems that he forgot the greatest demonstration of them all, and further most influenced the course of events at TL. I am referring of course to demonstration of MUNJ, Rai Los campaign also, Xanana and Kirsty, Horta and Lasama and that served to overthrow the legitimately elected Government.
Agio also forget to mention the active presence and intervention of the American Ambassador what describes as "unprecedented demonstration the Catholic Church itself involved ".
More ahead, says: "but the independence exists, the courts are not elected and interpret laws.”
To add the independence of this sovereignty body only exists while the PR, the PM or any Minister do not remember to disallow, name of a supposed "national interest", as happened recently with the illegal release of Martinus Bere. The interviewer, visibly off this event, also did not rise on the Agio on this contradiction between the theory and practice.
Despite everything, I liked the optimism of Agio and mature as way of talking Timorese democracy, the opposition and a future without conflicts. Also I appreciated very much the confirmation that there is a change of 180 degree Government energy policies: "we can explore the potential wind and solar also. And we remain independent and sustainable in terms of energetic resources ". Bravo! "
That credit may dispense with the Agio Pereira?
By ANTÓNIO VERÍSSIMO
That credit may dispense with the ÁGIO PEREIRA?
In edition of the Sol magazine, which we put to the TLN and you can read more below, we read that "visiting Portugal to mark the 10th anniversary of the referendum that opened the door to independence, the Secretary of State the Council of Ministers of East Timor, Ágio Pereira rejects the Australian accusations of existence of corruption in Government and does not accept the hypothesis return to violence.”
These two references of Ágio Pereira in the interview that it was desirable to be intelligent enough to understand the degree of intentional misrepresentation or mistakenly assimilated how he expresses. Deeply declarations pornographic that display the body of a Government composed of players’ porn-politicians who offend public morals of citizen throughout the planet, at least those that read the interview and who know the reality of Timor.
Ágio Pereira says that "does not accept the assumption of a return to violence". Therefore, does not explain the conditions under which admits this. It should be while engendered AMP continues in power and distribute titles, contracts to the heads of hooliganisms groups. And, possibly, the AMP and most of that actually are in possession of Government and satellites institutions lose their seats and back to common citizens to vote in elections? If the opposition led by Fretilin will win elections? Also, as it always happened. Ensures Ágio Pereira that defeated groups not back again for violence to take power? Ensures no repeated violence 2006 or worse? This is not guaranteed, nor the question was it made by journalist. This would be an inconvenient question and politically incorrect.
But certainly the journalist in question is aware that this engendered AMP designed post election results, is Government after its mutinous have caused hundreds of deaths and the destruction of thousands housing, and that whosoever acted violently, was "Thanks" of personalities currently installed in high positions of political power. You must know any citizen minimally informed about East Timor knows this.
Therefore, we can offer an opinion and conclude that pornography of the interview is made by two, otherwise would not be pornographic, or would have lacked additional objects type vibratory, for example.
But the crucial, the climax, is supposed to be reached when something as distinguished corruption comes in scene and undress showing the dishonesties. Agio Pereira “refutes the Australian allegations, existence of corruption in Government “mentions the journalist. And it is well. It was said by the interviewee.
The question: "The Australia Ambassador in Timor identified corruption and lack of experience of Government as the main causes of wasteful external help. How does Dili react? “Agio Pereira responds: "when we talk about money donated most of that is not corruptible. For international projects they bring their consultants and engaged in physical structures. Of way that this project implementation arrangement there is little scope for corruption. Corruption can come from donors, but in the context of recipients the area of corruption is very small. “And yet, when the journalist not satisfied and asks” doesn’t corruption worries? Agio Pereira reply: "when referring to corruption in general, I think all countries are suffering. Australia, Portugal, and USA – this economic crisis was born due to corruption. In a developing country, usually refers to corruption in the context of the management of public money. In our country have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, especially this IV Constitutional Government. "
It shows that this is typical behaviour associated white-collar criminals that is a distraction’s manoeuvre want to justify their errors with similar examples to practice pointing in other directions. Of course that there is a little corruption by all countries, some more than others, however the existing corruption in Timor-Leste achieves huge indexes nothing comparable with those of Australia, which has a very low index in the spectrum world. It is legitimate to Australia and other donors committed to contribute to various sectors benefiting disadvantaged Timorese concern and denounce the existing corruption. In the case of Portugal these repairs do not happen because the Socialist Government itself is facing the corruption and what more it – the so-called KKN in Timor-Leste. It is Collusion, corruption and nepotism.
But, of course, the Timorese corruption is not just pointed to with regard to “recipients sectors", of providing "foreign aid". Corruption is wider, KKN is much wider in Timor-Leste. We saw this in relation to the company of Zenilde Gusmão and other relatives of Gusmão ", for example. Case barefaced there is no any action, unpunished. Other cases are of public knowledge, and even on the list were in times of hopes be solved by new PGR, Ana Pessoa, but it seems that a blanket of impunity like the previous PGR, Longuinhos Monteiro, and meanwhile so many enquiries and proof naming this and that for the "KKN" package – the case of Mário Carrascalão, appointed Vice Prime-Minister and until now did nothing, or nothing has brought benefits to the fight against corruption, at least that had seen. Impunity continues until there are signs that is institutionalised. Why ever talk less in it. It is "our bread each day ".
Agio Pereira says that "in our country there have been many allegations of corruption, but very little evidence that corruption exists. There is a huge transparency, mainly in IV Constitutional Government. “Please, this citizen is responsible for Timorese Government believes that is talking to delayed mental illness? Even the very little evidence that speech gave nothing and if some achievable it will be lower branch of the Administration, however nothing has seen and impunity is the statute.
It is also statute the other impunities. The violations of the Constitution, the subordination of the Judiciary to Political Power, the militarisation of the PNTL, to turn into private army interests of a few, as are accusing etc.
Finally, and in time, partly because the Copenhagen Summit is happening, was asked the Agio Pereira: "… East Timor is part of the Group of countries, that being small islands may be much affected by Global warming. How does the Government follow the situation? “The interviewee hit back: "we have very deep studies on alternatives energies. We have a specific State Secretariat for energy resources, we have a company that is doing a survey on the possible solutions for alternatives energies. Our country has much potential with high mountains and we can explore the potential wind and solar too. And we can be independent and sustainable energy resources. This study should be presented in May 2010”.
Pornographic. It is simply pornographic. Then, if so how justify Agio Pereira everything that has already been spent with the energy central of heavy oil highly polluting? What has already been lost? Who is responsible for the funds already spent and who benefited from them? And until then, what Agio is talking is true – although in accordance with the declared by the Government a few weeks-what are the prospects for action until the alternatives energies work? In reality what is happening with the "business" of heavy oil?
And the journalist could not confront the interviewee with this flagrant pose porn? But what style so horrendous takes the profession forward. Understand the salary is important at the end of the month. Constraints understandable but unacceptable and which are "dissolving" a beautiful and usefulness profession. It is not only in this case. The interviewee commanded the interviewer. Considering the circumstances, the interview was good and the interviewee was smart. But that was an orgy … There it was.
Finally, only the carving of fork, someone comment accompanying fuse wire to Timor, almost since born, currently with a "nice age":
"Agio says:" these past years, we have three public demonstrations against Governments. "
It seems that he forgot the greatest demonstration of them all, and further most influenced the course of events at TL. I am referring of course to demonstration of MUNJ, Rai Los campaign also, Xanana and Kirsty, Horta and Lasama and that served to overthrow the legitimately elected Government.
Agio also forget to mention the active presence and intervention of the American Ambassador what describes as "unprecedented demonstration the Catholic Church itself involved ".
More ahead, says: "but the independence exists, the courts are not elected and interpret laws.”
To add the independence of this sovereignty body only exists while the PR, the PM or any Minister do not remember to disallow, name of a supposed "national interest", as happened recently with the illegal release of Martinus Bere. The interviewer, visibly off this event, also did not rise on the Agio on this contradiction between the theory and practice.
Despite everything, I liked the optimism of Agio and mature as way of talking Timorese democracy, the opposition and a future without conflicts. Also I appreciated very much the confirmation that there is a change of 180 degree Government energy policies: "we can explore the potential wind and solar also. And we remain independent and sustainable in terms of energetic resources ". Bravo! "
That credit may dispense with the Agio Pereira?
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
Dear all
Merry Christmas and Happy New Year
"INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) "
I don't agree with this introduction that does not match what had happened in Timor Leste. The information is not correct and is misleading those who believe because it did not follow the evolution of the situation.
I do not want to say that our security forces are perfect we have made mistakes many areas need some improvement but not the method outside want and also you must remember that we are a new country with 10 years of independence.
It is all very nice talking about the Security Sector Reform for Timor Leste but should reflect that your Governments or countries were involved in the crisis of 2006 and which must assume the responsibilities of this mess because the truths are being hidden wanting so wash hands or simply forget everything that had happened.
I believe the published security documents outside are misguided in calling for a reform. What kind of reform? What is the credibility of the Timorese Government corrupt and criminal, conspirators of the 2006 crisis installed and supported by former Australian Government?
You must open our eyes not making Timor Leste a dump field and treat the Timorese with a neo-colonial mentality and support a Government so corrupt.
It is good not come with many stories launching dust in the eyes of the people of Timor Leste; they already suffered and died during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation. You should be ashamed to say these lies above description only to serve your interests. The crisis of 2006 was created and fomented by the policy “regime change “of the PM John Howard initiated by Bush policy, with the aim of overthrowing the Timor Leste Government. Recall that John Howard was always a supporter and sponsor the autonomy and integration of East Timor. Foreign intervention was not for the good of the Timor Leste people was yes to the natural wealth oil and gas. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Currently we have seen the hostility of the oil companies against the Timorese government involved in the "Great Sunrise" pipeline to East Timor. The collapse of the police is the fact that the command has abandoned the post in support of conspirators 2006 crisis whose authors are Xanana, Horta, Lasama and their accomplices with Australian Government support. Presently the ex Commandant Paulo Martins is member of the Parliament of Xanana Gusmão CNRT party and the new commandant Longinhos we can also consider one of conspirators. It was only the Dili police headquarters suffered the fall but did not happen in the Districts and Sub districts Station of Timor Leste.
The reform should be made gradually according to the conditions of East Timor and not and never compiled documents imported from outside the United Nations or countries involved in the crisis to be applied to police of Timor Leste. What is the honesty of those countries and how we can trust if were implicated in the crisis and installation corrupt and criminal government? The government of these countries nothing contributed for our liberation struggle working only for our destruction to a failed State and thus remains with the pretext of instability. Some public statements on the Security Reform made by current Secretaries of Defense and Security of States were well explicit in explanations of non-interference of the Nation internal affairs.
Currently all we do they consider wrong such superiority complex pointing fingers and accusing our security institutions. As we all know they had created the mess in 2006 crisis comes to tell us now to put our House in order. Shame! And also should not forget that our police were trained and developed by the United Nations in coordination with the Government of East Timor. What do you or they want? We are not slaves of your interests. I think it is only to make money at the expense of Timor Leste people like” NGO ALOLA” has done belong Xanana wife money deposited in Australian Banks and many more with government subsidies.
Selling these theories this type of research as has always done in many areas: health, education, infrastructure, etc. through its advisers, which is a waste of funds on projects many of these are under the carpet that do not reflect the realities of East Timor. It is a bitter pill to swallow because it is the difficult to hear the truths what happened in East Timor, the way as I express I lived and I followed the situation closely and I am able to refute all details on this subject.
Let’s to decide what is best for our country as an independent nation. What we want is a real security it is fair to all society no outside interference and to maintain stability with a lasting peace to focus on the construction and development of the country.
Nothing is perfect in this world, we are all human beings, our brain to think and think that we cannot better than others, many theories imported from abroad including security only to confuse, destroy and distort our aspirations.
Here are some extracts of intentions of Australia on East Timor.
The post-independence crisis in Timor Leste has drawn attention to the fragility of institutions in that newly independent country. Australian intervention in 2006 has been accompanied by menacing suggestions of a “failed state” - not just a state that cannot govern itself, but one that poses a threat to others, thus justifying intervention. Yet foreign intervention is anathema to independence and self-governance (in East Timorese terms, “ukun rasik an”).
The immediate danger to Timor Leste's established right to self-determination is likely to be an Australian neo-colonial dominance that could reverse the independent path the nation has undertaken, with its new constitution, national development plan and distinctive policies. The internationalization of the intervention (the UN involvement) only slightly diminishes this threat. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Australian Government and corporate media have not even condemned the renegade soldiers who took up arms against their own government and shot people in the street. John Howard and Alexander Downer pretend an “even-handed” policy to Timor Leste's elected government and its violent renegades.
President Xanana Gusmao has so far escaped criticism for not denouncing the renegade soldiers and gangs that are acting in his name. Xanana has great domestic popularity and has not been so closely implicated in the policy conflicts with Australia.
The attacks on Prime Minister Alkatiri reflect underlying tensions that have been building for some time. The prime minister, a strong economic nationalist, remains the country's chief strategist. Many of the tensions relate to distinctive policy developments in the seven years since 1999. The best known achievements have been in the oil and gas dispute, but there have also been modest advances in agriculture, health and education. Yet associated with many of these advances have been opposition or hostility from Australia, and its mentor, the US.
There was wide support for the construction of a new constitution (with a bill of rights, a highly democratic electoral system, recognition of shared national resources and customary law) and a development plan. The pursuit of a greedy Australian Government over East Timor's oil and gas resources proved more difficult. Alkatiri led the first round of negotiations (mainly over the Bayu-Undan field), with broad East Timorese and Australian support. The deal shifted Australia's 80-20 offer to a 90-10 settlement. The second round (over the Greater Sunrise field) shifted the Australian “final” position of 18-82 to a settlement of 50-50.
In both sets of talks there was considerable aggravation, particularly the latter, where Australia got its way in deferring fixed maritime boundaries. Australian officials and some academics told the East Timorese again and again that they were “unrealistic” and would get nowhere. Downer told Alkatiri he would give him "a lesson" in politics. Downer and the “realists” were wrong. The East Timorese did not get their full claim, but they came out several billion dollars ahead.
On agriculture both the World Bank and the Australian Government opposed the transitional government's plans (2000-02) to rehabilitate rice fields, and to use aid money for public grain silos and a public abattoir. That is, the Australian Government - blinded by neo-liberal ideology, and their belief in privatization and export orientation - blocked East Timorese developmental plans. Yet few interventions are more destructive to development than obstructing a small, post-colonial nation defining and creating its own institutions.
Whatever their prior knowledge of the Reinado-led rebellion, the Australian Government made good use of it to undermine the elected government of Timor Leste. However, domestic compromises (including two ministerial resignations, the promotion of Ramos Horta and a UN inquiry) seem to have forced a temporary back-down. Yet if the “palace coup” does not succeed on this occasion, we will need to closely watch progress in what The Australian calls the now “poisoned” relationship between the Howard and the Alkatiri governments. At stake is an independent
Herein lies the problem. An oligarchy of Australian business leaders, who consistently opposed East Timorese independence, pre-1999, have openly declared themselves hostile to the Fretilin-led project. The Howard regime gives lip service to East Timorese autonomy, but shares the hostility. This is a strategic hostility as much as opposition to any particular policy. But the ‘protectorate' mindset certainly wants easier access to East Timorese resources, greater privileging of foreign investment, abolition of East Timor's army and a shift in national language policy from Portuguese-Tetum to English-Tetum.
It seems likely that, even with Alkatiri sidelined, a Fretilin-led government will maintain the strategy spelt out in East Timor's National Development Plan and sectoral policies, and backed by the Constitution. Alternatively (and if Murdoch's scribblers have their way), a more ‘Australian friendly' government might be persuaded to abandon its economic nationalist past, and accept protectorate status.
So what is the problem with a small country taking loans from the World Bank and becoming more ‘western friendly'? Isn't this a legitimate way of attracting investment, improving governance and reducing poverty? Let's examine this, in light of experience elsewhere.
The process begins with loans for essential infrastructure, usually power and roads; and in East Timor everyone has been complaining about power and roads. The World Bank would loan money to the government at low commercial interest or (in view of East Timor's low GDP per capita) a very low IDA loan at only 0.7% interest over 35 years. This, at first glance, seems generous. But strict conditions would be attached, in the form of a ‘good governance' contract.
An important section of the ‘good governance' conditions would stipulate that, while the loan is public, the construction and service delivery would be private - a ‘development partnership'. This means that large foreign companies would be contracted to construct the power grid and roads, while others would meter and enforce a ‘user pays' power supply regime. As the ‘good governance' agreement would also stipulates no price subsidies, the only way poor families could access power would be by direct fiscal subsidy. But the government has no spare cash, which is why it would have borrowed in the first place.
Such ‘partnership' schemes have seen even water supplies become unaffordable in major cities from The Philippines to Bolivia. The small middle classes who can afford the fees might get a better service, but the government will still have to intervene to ensure quality and contain the corruption that privatizations
So why do the leaders of developing countries participate in neo-liberal programs, when they are so damaging for ordinary poor people? Sometimes they have been obliged to cut political deals, for independence. Sometimes it is due to policy weakness and a desire to accommodate the big powers - some elements of this are now visible in East Timor. But very often leaders (such as Indonesia's Suharto) enter the business elite themselves, taking commissions, rents and other benefits from cashed up aid and privatization programs. Neo-liberal ‘good governance' (previously called ‘structural adjustment') has most often enhanced this corruption, rather than preventing it.
The Australian role in undermining East Timorese independence is difficult to see now, with a barrage of media influencing the desire to see ourselves as the little country's ‘saviors’. We are nothing of the sort. Australian friends of East Timor should recognize the shocking prospects of neo-liberal protectorate status, and maintain their support for an independent nation.
--- On Tue, 15/12/09, ETAN wrote:
From: ETAN
Subject: Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
To: east-timor@lists.riseup.net
Received: Tuesday, 15 December, 2009, 5:29 AM
- Show quoted text -
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
-----Inline Attachment Follows-----
Merry Christmas and Happy New Year
"INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) "
I don't agree with this introduction that does not match what had happened in Timor Leste. The information is not correct and is misleading those who believe because it did not follow the evolution of the situation.
I do not want to say that our security forces are perfect we have made mistakes many areas need some improvement but not the method outside want and also you must remember that we are a new country with 10 years of independence.
It is all very nice talking about the Security Sector Reform for Timor Leste but should reflect that your Governments or countries were involved in the crisis of 2006 and which must assume the responsibilities of this mess because the truths are being hidden wanting so wash hands or simply forget everything that had happened.
I believe the published security documents outside are misguided in calling for a reform. What kind of reform? What is the credibility of the Timorese Government corrupt and criminal, conspirators of the 2006 crisis installed and supported by former Australian Government?
You must open our eyes not making Timor Leste a dump field and treat the Timorese with a neo-colonial mentality and support a Government so corrupt.
It is good not come with many stories launching dust in the eyes of the people of Timor Leste; they already suffered and died during the 25 years of Indonesian occupation. You should be ashamed to say these lies above description only to serve your interests. The crisis of 2006 was created and fomented by the policy “regime change “of the PM John Howard initiated by Bush policy, with the aim of overthrowing the Timor Leste Government. Recall that John Howard was always a supporter and sponsor the autonomy and integration of East Timor. Foreign intervention was not for the good of the Timor Leste people was yes to the natural wealth oil and gas. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Currently we have seen the hostility of the oil companies against the Timorese government involved in the "Great Sunrise" pipeline to East Timor. The collapse of the police is the fact that the command has abandoned the post in support of conspirators 2006 crisis whose authors are Xanana, Horta, Lasama and their accomplices with Australian Government support. Presently the ex Commandant Paulo Martins is member of the Parliament of Xanana Gusmão CNRT party and the new commandant Longinhos we can also consider one of conspirators. It was only the Dili police headquarters suffered the fall but did not happen in the Districts and Sub districts Station of Timor Leste.
The reform should be made gradually according to the conditions of East Timor and not and never compiled documents imported from outside the United Nations or countries involved in the crisis to be applied to police of Timor Leste. What is the honesty of those countries and how we can trust if were implicated in the crisis and installation corrupt and criminal government? The government of these countries nothing contributed for our liberation struggle working only for our destruction to a failed State and thus remains with the pretext of instability. Some public statements on the Security Reform made by current Secretaries of Defense and Security of States were well explicit in explanations of non-interference of the Nation internal affairs.
Currently all we do they consider wrong such superiority complex pointing fingers and accusing our security institutions. As we all know they had created the mess in 2006 crisis comes to tell us now to put our House in order. Shame! And also should not forget that our police were trained and developed by the United Nations in coordination with the Government of East Timor. What do you or they want? We are not slaves of your interests. I think it is only to make money at the expense of Timor Leste people like” NGO ALOLA” has done belong Xanana wife money deposited in Australian Banks and many more with government subsidies.
Selling these theories this type of research as has always done in many areas: health, education, infrastructure, etc. through its advisers, which is a waste of funds on projects many of these are under the carpet that do not reflect the realities of East Timor. It is a bitter pill to swallow because it is the difficult to hear the truths what happened in East Timor, the way as I express I lived and I followed the situation closely and I am able to refute all details on this subject.
Let’s to decide what is best for our country as an independent nation. What we want is a real security it is fair to all society no outside interference and to maintain stability with a lasting peace to focus on the construction and development of the country.
Nothing is perfect in this world, we are all human beings, our brain to think and think that we cannot better than others, many theories imported from abroad including security only to confuse, destroy and distort our aspirations.
Here are some extracts of intentions of Australia on East Timor.
The post-independence crisis in Timor Leste has drawn attention to the fragility of institutions in that newly independent country. Australian intervention in 2006 has been accompanied by menacing suggestions of a “failed state” - not just a state that cannot govern itself, but one that poses a threat to others, thus justifying intervention. Yet foreign intervention is anathema to independence and self-governance (in East Timorese terms, “ukun rasik an”).
The immediate danger to Timor Leste's established right to self-determination is likely to be an Australian neo-colonial dominance that could reverse the independent path the nation has undertaken, with its new constitution, national development plan and distinctive policies. The internationalization of the intervention (the UN involvement) only slightly diminishes this threat. Powerful Australian interests are talking openly about the need for a strong Australian hand on East Timorese policy.
Australian Government and corporate media have not even condemned the renegade soldiers who took up arms against their own government and shot people in the street. John Howard and Alexander Downer pretend an “even-handed” policy to Timor Leste's elected government and its violent renegades.
President Xanana Gusmao has so far escaped criticism for not denouncing the renegade soldiers and gangs that are acting in his name. Xanana has great domestic popularity and has not been so closely implicated in the policy conflicts with Australia.
The attacks on Prime Minister Alkatiri reflect underlying tensions that have been building for some time. The prime minister, a strong economic nationalist, remains the country's chief strategist. Many of the tensions relate to distinctive policy developments in the seven years since 1999. The best known achievements have been in the oil and gas dispute, but there have also been modest advances in agriculture, health and education. Yet associated with many of these advances have been opposition or hostility from Australia, and its mentor, the US.
There was wide support for the construction of a new constitution (with a bill of rights, a highly democratic electoral system, recognition of shared national resources and customary law) and a development plan. The pursuit of a greedy Australian Government over East Timor's oil and gas resources proved more difficult. Alkatiri led the first round of negotiations (mainly over the Bayu-Undan field), with broad East Timorese and Australian support. The deal shifted Australia's 80-20 offer to a 90-10 settlement. The second round (over the Greater Sunrise field) shifted the Australian “final” position of 18-82 to a settlement of 50-50.
In both sets of talks there was considerable aggravation, particularly the latter, where Australia got its way in deferring fixed maritime boundaries. Australian officials and some academics told the East Timorese again and again that they were “unrealistic” and would get nowhere. Downer told Alkatiri he would give him "a lesson" in politics. Downer and the “realists” were wrong. The East Timorese did not get their full claim, but they came out several billion dollars ahead.
On agriculture both the World Bank and the Australian Government opposed the transitional government's plans (2000-02) to rehabilitate rice fields, and to use aid money for public grain silos and a public abattoir. That is, the Australian Government - blinded by neo-liberal ideology, and their belief in privatization and export orientation - blocked East Timorese developmental plans. Yet few interventions are more destructive to development than obstructing a small, post-colonial nation defining and creating its own institutions.
Whatever their prior knowledge of the Reinado-led rebellion, the Australian Government made good use of it to undermine the elected government of Timor Leste. However, domestic compromises (including two ministerial resignations, the promotion of Ramos Horta and a UN inquiry) seem to have forced a temporary back-down. Yet if the “palace coup” does not succeed on this occasion, we will need to closely watch progress in what The Australian calls the now “poisoned” relationship between the Howard and the Alkatiri governments. At stake is an independent
Herein lies the problem. An oligarchy of Australian business leaders, who consistently opposed East Timorese independence, pre-1999, have openly declared themselves hostile to the Fretilin-led project. The Howard regime gives lip service to East Timorese autonomy, but shares the hostility. This is a strategic hostility as much as opposition to any particular policy. But the ‘protectorate' mindset certainly wants easier access to East Timorese resources, greater privileging of foreign investment, abolition of East Timor's army and a shift in national language policy from Portuguese-Tetum to English-Tetum.
It seems likely that, even with Alkatiri sidelined, a Fretilin-led government will maintain the strategy spelt out in East Timor's National Development Plan and sectoral policies, and backed by the Constitution. Alternatively (and if Murdoch's scribblers have their way), a more ‘Australian friendly' government might be persuaded to abandon its economic nationalist past, and accept protectorate status.
So what is the problem with a small country taking loans from the World Bank and becoming more ‘western friendly'? Isn't this a legitimate way of attracting investment, improving governance and reducing poverty? Let's examine this, in light of experience elsewhere.
The process begins with loans for essential infrastructure, usually power and roads; and in East Timor everyone has been complaining about power and roads. The World Bank would loan money to the government at low commercial interest or (in view of East Timor's low GDP per capita) a very low IDA loan at only 0.7% interest over 35 years. This, at first glance, seems generous. But strict conditions would be attached, in the form of a ‘good governance' contract.
An important section of the ‘good governance' conditions would stipulate that, while the loan is public, the construction and service delivery would be private - a ‘development partnership'. This means that large foreign companies would be contracted to construct the power grid and roads, while others would meter and enforce a ‘user pays' power supply regime. As the ‘good governance' agreement would also stipulates no price subsidies, the only way poor families could access power would be by direct fiscal subsidy. But the government has no spare cash, which is why it would have borrowed in the first place.
Such ‘partnership' schemes have seen even water supplies become unaffordable in major cities from The Philippines to Bolivia. The small middle classes who can afford the fees might get a better service, but the government will still have to intervene to ensure quality and contain the corruption that privatizations
So why do the leaders of developing countries participate in neo-liberal programs, when they are so damaging for ordinary poor people? Sometimes they have been obliged to cut political deals, for independence. Sometimes it is due to policy weakness and a desire to accommodate the big powers - some elements of this are now visible in East Timor. But very often leaders (such as Indonesia's Suharto) enter the business elite themselves, taking commissions, rents and other benefits from cashed up aid and privatization programs. Neo-liberal ‘good governance' (previously called ‘structural adjustment') has most often enhanced this corruption, rather than preventing it.
The Australian role in undermining East Timorese independence is difficult to see now, with a barrage of media influencing the desire to see ourselves as the little country's ‘saviors’. We are nothing of the sort. Australian friends of East Timor should recognize the shocking prospects of neo-liberal protectorate status, and maintain their support for an independent nation.
--- On Tue, 15/12/09, ETAN
From: ETAN
Subject: Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
To: east-timor@lists.riseup.net
Received: Tuesday, 15 December, 2009, 5:29 AM
- Show quoted text -
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
-----Inline Attachment Follows-----
Saturday, 19 December 2009
Behind ‘Balibo’ And Its Banning
Behind ‘Balibo’ And Its Banning
A young Jose Ramos-Horta, shown as the foreign minister of a newly independent East Timor, implores Roger East, an aging Australian journalist, to travel to his country to run a media agency. Five young journalists are shot and stabbed as they attempt to surrender to Indonesian soldiers who are mounting incursions over the border. Later, Dili is invaded by Indonesian forces and Timorese civilians are lined up and shot on the pier. East is executed along with them.
These are scenes from Robert Connolly’s film “Balibo,” which portrays the 1975 murder of five Australia-based journalists by the Indonesian military in the East Timorese border town of Balibo. Banned by censors here because of its “potential to reopen old wounds” and “questionable objectivity,” the people behind the film say it is a true story.
Gatot Purwanto, who was an Indonesian army lieutenant at the time and who witnessed the killings, recently told Tempo magazine that the journalists known as the Balibo Five were killed to keep the truth about Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor from the outside world. He also said that the killings were provoked by gunshots coming from the direction of the house that the journalists were in. But his version, clearly at odds with how things played out in “Balibo,” is not accepted by the Indonesian military.
Dr. Clinton Fernandes the film’s consulting historian, whose background includes working as the principle analyst for the Australian Intelligence Corps on East Timor in the 1990s described the movie as “very accurate.” He said that while any film is always a “collection of fragments,” this concept doesn’t detract from film’s veracity.
“It is a true story in the sense that it telescopes events that would have taken much longer,” he said in a phone interview last week.
“In one scene , you find Roger East watching parachutists come down and then he is captured and killed, all in the space of about ten minutes. In reality, we’re talking about something which took about a day and a half.”
Fernandes said that several film techniques were used to convey information succinctly. For example, in the scene where the Balibo Five are killed, the film depicts the same soldier who ordered the killings as the one who carried them out.
“We know for a fact that Dading Kalbuadi [the overall commander of the Indonesian forces in East Timor] was in [the town of] Batugade and he gave the order that anyone found there would have to be killed. Then Yunus Yosfiah and others went and killed the Balibo Five,” he said. “No movie can be expected to give the full version of the discussion, the assault, the killings. You’ve got to do it quickly, which is why what we have is Kalbuadi himself doing the killing.
“We are trying to show that it is a state crime, not a low-level rogue element. The film shows a senior officer participating in the killing because in real life, a senior officer ordered the killing.”
The film’s background is detailed on the “Balibo in depth” link on the balibo.com Web site. This link, curated by Fernandes, provides commentary on the film’s version of what happened versus the reality, and details the events upon which the scenes are based.
For example, the Web site explains the role of Juliana de Costa, a Timorese woman who we see at the beginning and end of the film giving her testimony on the events in East Timor. According to the Web site, she “is a composite character derived from the extensive work of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation.”
The commission, which aimed to document human rights violations during the occupation of East Timor, collected 7,824 statements from people across the country. According to the “Balibo” Web site, these testimonies detail “patterns of abuses, such as arbitrary detentions, torture, rape and massive property destruction.”
“Balibo” also touches on the complicity of Australia and the United States in the invasion, with scenes showing a newspaper photo of Gough Whitlam, Australia’s prime minister at the time, with then-President Suharto. In a later scene, a US-made helicopter shoots at East and Ramos-Horta, who is now the real life president of the country of Timor Leste.
The Web site provides evidence of the Whitlam government’s knowledge of events in Balibo, despite official acceptance of Indonesia’s version that the journalists were killed in cross-fire. A declassified Australian government document dated Oct. 22, 1975 is shown on the Web site, detailing the killing of five Australian journalists by invading forces.
“After the Balibo Five were killed,” Fernandes said, “the Indonesian military paused in their operations, waiting to see what kind of reaction there would be from the Australian government. When no reaction was forthcoming, it was assigned to the Indonesian military that they could treat the Timorese as they wished, which is what they did.”
It was only in 2007 that Australia launched a coroner’s inquest into the deaths of the Balibo Five. The inquest, which found that they had been murdered to prevent news of the invasion from reaching the outside world, was described by Fernandes as “a very robust process.”
“It was the first inquest that had the power to compel testimony of witnesses and to compel production of documents, including intelligence material. It had 66 witnesses, including two dozen Timorese who were bought in to testify,” he said.
“The material presented was very thorough, witnesses were cross-examined and there were numerous eye witnesses that were present at the Balibo square watching the murder of the Balibo Five.”
Fernandes said that after the journalists were killed, their bodies were redressed in military uniforms and the corpses posed behind weapons. “The aim of this was to pretend the Balibo Five were legitimate targets, but when people saw the photographs, they realized that the Fretilin [Timorese] soldiers had disabled the weapons and the photos showed the Balibo Five posed behind weapons that clearly could not have been used,” he said. “There is evidence, not only of the murder, but of the cover-up and of the attempt to portray them as legitimate targets.”
One question is why a film was made about Western journalists, when an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Timorese died as a result of the occupation.
“To me the Balibo Five is part of the whole occupation of East Timor. I don’t have any specific concern for the Balibo Five that’s different to my concern for war crimes committed in East Timor,” Fernandes said. “And my support for justice for the people of East Timor is only a component of my broader support for justice for the people of Indonesia.”
Both the film and the war crimes investigation into the deaths of the Balibo Five, launched by the Australian Federal Police in September, have been criticized for having the potential to cause diplomatic tension between Australia and Indonesia.
However, for Shirley Shackleton, the widow of Greg Shackleton, one of the journalists killed in Balibo, the pursuit of justice is what matters.
“Murder is murder. It doesn’t matter when it occurred. Every civilized person in the world requires justice,” Shackleton said in a phone interview last week. “Justice is not about vengeance. In a civilized society, justice is about accountability, and until the Indonesian people cooperate to get justice for the Balibo murders, they won’t get it for themselves.”
Fernandes emphasized that the issue of the murders was “not a dispute between Indonesia and Australia, it is a dispute between people in both those countries, between those who support justice and those who want impunity.”
He said he hoped the film would educate Indonesians about events in East Timor. “I know that Indonesian citizens had very little knowledge of what their military was doing in East Timor because the Indonesian military had always tried to control the narrative. They tried to control the narrative of the independence, after the 1965 killings. They tried to control the narrative of the Suharto years, of the occupation of Timor. For me, the ‘Balibo’ film is an attempt to shake that control of the narrative.”
The ban of the film has not stopped the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) from screening the film and a recent article published in the Jakarta Globe said pirated copies of “Balibo” are now widely available throughout the country.
An article on Tuesday quoted AJI founder, Andreas Harsono, saying the journalists would lodge a challenge at the Constitutional Court if the government took steps to enforce the ban.
Shackleton, however, was optimistic that Indonesia’s ban would only heighten interest. “I’m really pleased they did it,” she said. “The thing they have ensured is that everyone got interested in the film.”
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
A young Jose Ramos-Horta, shown as the foreign minister of a newly independent East Timor, implores Roger East, an aging Australian journalist, to travel to his country to run a media agency. Five young journalists are shot and stabbed as they attempt to surrender to Indonesian soldiers who are mounting incursions over the border. Later, Dili is invaded by Indonesian forces and Timorese civilians are lined up and shot on the pier. East is executed along with them.
These are scenes from Robert Connolly’s film “Balibo,” which portrays the 1975 murder of five Australia-based journalists by the Indonesian military in the East Timorese border town of Balibo. Banned by censors here because of its “potential to reopen old wounds” and “questionable objectivity,” the people behind the film say it is a true story.
Gatot Purwanto, who was an Indonesian army lieutenant at the time and who witnessed the killings, recently told Tempo magazine that the journalists known as the Balibo Five were killed to keep the truth about Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor from the outside world. He also said that the killings were provoked by gunshots coming from the direction of the house that the journalists were in. But his version, clearly at odds with how things played out in “Balibo,” is not accepted by the Indonesian military.
Dr. Clinton Fernandes the film’s consulting historian, whose background includes working as the principle analyst for the Australian Intelligence Corps on East Timor in the 1990s described the movie as “very accurate.” He said that while any film is always a “collection of fragments,” this concept doesn’t detract from film’s veracity.
“It is a true story in the sense that it telescopes events that would have taken much longer,” he said in a phone interview last week.
“In one scene , you find Roger East watching parachutists come down and then he is captured and killed, all in the space of about ten minutes. In reality, we’re talking about something which took about a day and a half.”
Fernandes said that several film techniques were used to convey information succinctly. For example, in the scene where the Balibo Five are killed, the film depicts the same soldier who ordered the killings as the one who carried them out.
“We know for a fact that Dading Kalbuadi [the overall commander of the Indonesian forces in East Timor] was in [the town of] Batugade and he gave the order that anyone found there would have to be killed. Then Yunus Yosfiah and others went and killed the Balibo Five,” he said. “No movie can be expected to give the full version of the discussion, the assault, the killings. You’ve got to do it quickly, which is why what we have is Kalbuadi himself doing the killing.
“We are trying to show that it is a state crime, not a low-level rogue element. The film shows a senior officer participating in the killing because in real life, a senior officer ordered the killing.”
The film’s background is detailed on the “Balibo in depth” link on the balibo.com Web site. This link, curated by Fernandes, provides commentary on the film’s version of what happened versus the reality, and details the events upon which the scenes are based.
For example, the Web site explains the role of Juliana de Costa, a Timorese woman who we see at the beginning and end of the film giving her testimony on the events in East Timor. According to the Web site, she “is a composite character derived from the extensive work of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation.”
The commission, which aimed to document human rights violations during the occupation of East Timor, collected 7,824 statements from people across the country. According to the “Balibo” Web site, these testimonies detail “patterns of abuses, such as arbitrary detentions, torture, rape and massive property destruction.”
“Balibo” also touches on the complicity of Australia and the United States in the invasion, with scenes showing a newspaper photo of Gough Whitlam, Australia’s prime minister at the time, with then-President Suharto. In a later scene, a US-made helicopter shoots at East and Ramos-Horta, who is now the real life president of the country of Timor Leste.
The Web site provides evidence of the Whitlam government’s knowledge of events in Balibo, despite official acceptance of Indonesia’s version that the journalists were killed in cross-fire. A declassified Australian government document dated Oct. 22, 1975 is shown on the Web site, detailing the killing of five Australian journalists by invading forces.
“After the Balibo Five were killed,” Fernandes said, “the Indonesian military paused in their operations, waiting to see what kind of reaction there would be from the Australian government. When no reaction was forthcoming, it was assigned to the Indonesian military that they could treat the Timorese as they wished, which is what they did.”
It was only in 2007 that Australia launched a coroner’s inquest into the deaths of the Balibo Five. The inquest, which found that they had been murdered to prevent news of the invasion from reaching the outside world, was described by Fernandes as “a very robust process.”
“It was the first inquest that had the power to compel testimony of witnesses and to compel production of documents, including intelligence material. It had 66 witnesses, including two dozen Timorese who were bought in to testify,” he said.
“The material presented was very thorough, witnesses were cross-examined and there were numerous eye witnesses that were present at the Balibo square watching the murder of the Balibo Five.”
Fernandes said that after the journalists were killed, their bodies were redressed in military uniforms and the corpses posed behind weapons. “The aim of this was to pretend the Balibo Five were legitimate targets, but when people saw the photographs, they realized that the Fretilin [Timorese] soldiers had disabled the weapons and the photos showed the Balibo Five posed behind weapons that clearly could not have been used,” he said. “There is evidence, not only of the murder, but of the cover-up and of the attempt to portray them as legitimate targets.”
One question is why a film was made about Western journalists, when an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Timorese died as a result of the occupation.
“To me the Balibo Five is part of the whole occupation of East Timor. I don’t have any specific concern for the Balibo Five that’s different to my concern for war crimes committed in East Timor,” Fernandes said. “And my support for justice for the people of East Timor is only a component of my broader support for justice for the people of Indonesia.”
Both the film and the war crimes investigation into the deaths of the Balibo Five, launched by the Australian Federal Police in September, have been criticized for having the potential to cause diplomatic tension between Australia and Indonesia.
However, for Shirley Shackleton, the widow of Greg Shackleton, one of the journalists killed in Balibo, the pursuit of justice is what matters.
“Murder is murder. It doesn’t matter when it occurred. Every civilized person in the world requires justice,” Shackleton said in a phone interview last week. “Justice is not about vengeance. In a civilized society, justice is about accountability, and until the Indonesian people cooperate to get justice for the Balibo murders, they won’t get it for themselves.”
Fernandes emphasized that the issue of the murders was “not a dispute between Indonesia and Australia, it is a dispute between people in both those countries, between those who support justice and those who want impunity.”
He said he hoped the film would educate Indonesians about events in East Timor. “I know that Indonesian citizens had very little knowledge of what their military was doing in East Timor because the Indonesian military had always tried to control the narrative. They tried to control the narrative of the independence, after the 1965 killings. They tried to control the narrative of the Suharto years, of the occupation of Timor. For me, the ‘Balibo’ film is an attempt to shake that control of the narrative.”
The ban of the film has not stopped the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) from screening the film and a recent article published in the Jakarta Globe said pirated copies of “Balibo” are now widely available throughout the country.
An article on Tuesday quoted AJI founder, Andreas Harsono, saying the journalists would lodge a challenge at the Constitutional Court if the government took steps to enforce the ban.
Shackleton, however, was optimistic that Indonesia’s ban would only heighten interest. “I’m really pleased they did it,” she said. “The thing they have ensured is that everyone got interested in the film.”
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
East Timor fighting Darwin gas plant
http://www.ntnews.com.au/article/2009/12/16/109861_nt-business.html
NT News
East Timor fighting Darwin gas plant
DARWIN may miss out on another gas plant, a leading analyst says.
John Hirjee of Deutsche Bank in Melbourne says one of the four partners in the Sunrise field off the Territory coast may opt for a floating production platform in the Timor Sea, rather than an LNG complex alongside Darwin Harbour.
Woodside was last week reported to have chosen the Darwin option. But Mr Hirjee says in a report that the Australian energy company may go for the floating platform option because of opposition from East Timor.
Sunrise, 450km northwest of Darwin, is being developed by Woodside, Shell, ConocoPhillips and Osaka Gas. It lies partly in the Joint Petroleum Development Area, which means royalties from gas exploitation would be shared between Australia and East Timor.
The Dili government wanted the gas to be piped to a LNG plant in East Timor.
But the joint venture partners ruled that out because of political instability, the lack of skilled workers and the deep undersea trench that lies between the country and Sunrise.
East Timor is now lobbying for its second preferred option - processing the gas on a floating platform.
Australian unions oppose this choice because the platform would be manufactured overseas and be manned by mainly foreign workers.
Darwin would miss out on a $2 billion gas plant, which would employ more than 1000 workers during construction and up to 300 during operation.
The joint venture partners are expected to announce their decision by the end of this year.
ConocoPhillips is believed to have chosen the Territory option.
Shell is thought to want a floating platform. It is not known how Osaka Gaswill vote.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
NT News
East Timor fighting Darwin gas plant
DARWIN may miss out on another gas plant, a leading analyst says.
John Hirjee of Deutsche Bank in Melbourne says one of the four partners in the Sunrise field off the Territory coast may opt for a floating production platform in the Timor Sea, rather than an LNG complex alongside Darwin Harbour.
Woodside was last week reported to have chosen the Darwin option. But Mr Hirjee says in a report that the Australian energy company may go for the floating platform option because of opposition from East Timor.
Sunrise, 450km northwest of Darwin, is being developed by Woodside, Shell, ConocoPhillips and Osaka Gas. It lies partly in the Joint Petroleum Development Area, which means royalties from gas exploitation would be shared between Australia and East Timor.
The Dili government wanted the gas to be piped to a LNG plant in East Timor.
But the joint venture partners ruled that out because of political instability, the lack of skilled workers and the deep undersea trench that lies between the country and Sunrise.
East Timor is now lobbying for its second preferred option - processing the gas on a floating platform.
Australian unions oppose this choice because the platform would be manufactured overseas and be manned by mainly foreign workers.
Darwin would miss out on a $2 billion gas plant, which would employ more than 1000 workers during construction and up to 300 during operation.
The joint venture partners are expected to announce their decision by the end of this year.
ConocoPhillips is believed to have chosen the Territory option.
Shell is thought to want a floating platform. It is not known how Osaka Gaswill vote.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Please support ETAN in 2010
Dear friend and supporter of ETAN,
I have long admired the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN), a clear, effective, and very much needed voice in support of justice, human rights, and accountability. ETAN is the only U.S. group to focus solely on both East Timor and Indonesia, and I am writing to urge you to support it as generously as possible.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Few if any other groups in this country are doing the work that ETAN has done for so long. By giving generously now, you can help ETAN meet the challenges of the coming year.
Almost a year ago, I pointed out to you that, "[d]espite President-elect Barack Obama’s familiarity with Indonesia dating from childhood, positive changes in U.S. policy toward Indonesia and East Timor are not assured." If anything, the new administration has muted human rights criticisms of allies; during Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's February visit to Indonesia, for example, she downplayed these issues. The Pentagon is looking for loopholes so it may resume training of Indonesia's notorious Special Forces (Kopassus) unit, which stands accused of some of the worst human rights violations. Willing and eager to confront those in power whenever necessaryin Washington, Jakarta or DiliETAN opposes assistance to a largely unreformed Indonesian military that continues to resist accountability for its crimes in East Timor, West Papua, and elsewhere.
More than a year ago, the Wall Street Journal Asia editorial page urged then-President-elect Obama to continue the training and to resist “liberal Senators and interest groups,” criticizing ETAN by name for demanding that military assistance to Indonesia be conditioned on real human rights accountability. ETAN was not intimidated. It continues to apply pressure to put justice at the center of U.S. foreign policy. When President Obama makes his high-profile return to Indonesia in 2010, ETAN will provide important alternative perspectives on U.S. policy, past and present.
For 18 years, ETAN’s tenacity has had significant results and accomplishments, such as those described in the following paragraphs. East Timorese, Indonesian, and other activists have often expressed their appreciation for ETAN’s ongoing support for justice, self-determination, and genuine independence for East Timor and human rights and accountability in Indonesia. Please join me in supporting ETAN as it carries out this vital work.
This past August 30, the East Timorese people commemorated the tenth anniversary of their courageous vote for independence. The vote itself remains a remarkable tribute to what the human spirit can achieve. As part of the anniversary observance, ETAN helped organize and participated in a ground-breaking conference in East Timor on the continuing struggle for justice that reunited solidarity activists from around the world and brought them together with a new generation of Timorese activists.
ETAN remains central to international coordination of those seeking justice for the many human rights crimes committedwith U.S. backingduring Indonesia's Suharto dictatorship. ETAN works with groups in Indonesia and East Timor to pressure governments and the United Nations to fulfill past promises of justice they would rather forget. ETAN actively monitors ongoing threats to human rights in both countries, acting to apply pressure in defense of activists and others. Its e-mail lists, website, and blog are praised as irreplaceable sources of information and analysis.
Your support is crucial if ETAN is to continue this important work, all of which it accomplishes on a very modest budget. Nearly all of ETAN’s funds support its advocacy and educational work, with very little spent on fundraising or administration.
ETAN counts on your generous response to this annual appeal. Many non-profit organizations are now struggling financially. ETAN is no exception, making your donation at this time all the more important.
Thank you for joining me in supporting ETAN’s invaluable work.
Sincerely,
/s/
Noam Chomsky
How to Donate to ETAN
To support ETAN’s advocacy work, please make your check out to “East Timor Action Network” and send it to ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873
Click here if would like a form that you can print out and mail.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Or make a monthly pledge via credit card click here
Donations of any size for ETAN's political and advocacy work should be made out to ETAN and are not tax-deductible. U.S. tax-deductible checks for more than $50 can also be made out to "AJ Muste Memorial Institute/ETAN" and will be used to support our educational work.
Please mail your donation to:
ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
see this appeal online at http://www.etan.org/etan/2010app.htm
I have long admired the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN), a clear, effective, and very much needed voice in support of justice, human rights, and accountability. ETAN is the only U.S. group to focus solely on both East Timor and Indonesia, and I am writing to urge you to support it as generously as possible.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Few if any other groups in this country are doing the work that ETAN has done for so long. By giving generously now, you can help ETAN meet the challenges of the coming year.
Almost a year ago, I pointed out to you that, "[d]espite President-elect Barack Obama’s familiarity with Indonesia dating from childhood, positive changes in U.S. policy toward Indonesia and East Timor are not assured." If anything, the new administration has muted human rights criticisms of allies; during Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's February visit to Indonesia, for example, she downplayed these issues. The Pentagon is looking for loopholes so it may resume training of Indonesia's notorious Special Forces (Kopassus) unit, which stands accused of some of the worst human rights violations. Willing and eager to confront those in power whenever necessaryin Washington, Jakarta or DiliETAN opposes assistance to a largely unreformed Indonesian military that continues to resist accountability for its crimes in East Timor, West Papua, and elsewhere.
More than a year ago, the Wall Street Journal Asia editorial page urged then-President-elect Obama to continue the training and to resist “liberal Senators and interest groups,” criticizing ETAN by name for demanding that military assistance to Indonesia be conditioned on real human rights accountability. ETAN was not intimidated. It continues to apply pressure to put justice at the center of U.S. foreign policy. When President Obama makes his high-profile return to Indonesia in 2010, ETAN will provide important alternative perspectives on U.S. policy, past and present.
For 18 years, ETAN’s tenacity has had significant results and accomplishments, such as those described in the following paragraphs. East Timorese, Indonesian, and other activists have often expressed their appreciation for ETAN’s ongoing support for justice, self-determination, and genuine independence for East Timor and human rights and accountability in Indonesia. Please join me in supporting ETAN as it carries out this vital work.
This past August 30, the East Timorese people commemorated the tenth anniversary of their courageous vote for independence. The vote itself remains a remarkable tribute to what the human spirit can achieve. As part of the anniversary observance, ETAN helped organize and participated in a ground-breaking conference in East Timor on the continuing struggle for justice that reunited solidarity activists from around the world and brought them together with a new generation of Timorese activists.
ETAN remains central to international coordination of those seeking justice for the many human rights crimes committedwith U.S. backingduring Indonesia's Suharto dictatorship. ETAN works with groups in Indonesia and East Timor to pressure governments and the United Nations to fulfill past promises of justice they would rather forget. ETAN actively monitors ongoing threats to human rights in both countries, acting to apply pressure in defense of activists and others. Its e-mail lists, website, and blog are praised as irreplaceable sources of information and analysis.
Your support is crucial if ETAN is to continue this important work, all of which it accomplishes on a very modest budget. Nearly all of ETAN’s funds support its advocacy and educational work, with very little spent on fundraising or administration.
ETAN counts on your generous response to this annual appeal. Many non-profit organizations are now struggling financially. ETAN is no exception, making your donation at this time all the more important.
Thank you for joining me in supporting ETAN’s invaluable work.
Sincerely,
/s/
Noam Chomsky
How to Donate to ETAN
To support ETAN’s advocacy work, please make your check out to “East Timor Action Network” and send it to ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873
Click here if would like a form that you can print out and mail.
To donate by credit card via PayPal - click here:
[]
Or make a monthly pledge via credit card click here
Donations of any size for ETAN's political and advocacy work should be made out to ETAN and are not tax-deductible. U.S. tax-deductible checks for more than $50 can also be made out to "AJ Muste Memorial Institute/ETAN" and will be used to support our educational work.
Please mail your donation to:
ETAN, PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
see this appeal online at http://www.etan.org/etan/2010app.htm
Malaria control in Timor-Leste during a period of political instability: what lessons
Malaria control in Timor-Leste during a period of political instability: what lessons can be learned?
Malaria is a major global health problem, often exacerbated by political instability, conflict, and forced migration.Objectives: To examine the impact of political upheaval and population displacement in Timor-Leste (2006) on malaria in the country.
Method
Case study approach drawing on both qualitative and quantitative methods including document reviews, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, site visits and analysis of routinely collected data.
Findings
The conflict had its most profound impact on Dili, the capital city, in which tens of thousands of people were displaced from their homes. The conflict interrupted routine malaria service programs and training, but did not lead to an increase in malaria incidence.
Interventions covering treatment, insecticide treated nets (ITN) distribution, vector control, surveillance and health promotion were promptly organized for internally displaced people (IDPs) and routine health services were maintained. Vector control interventions were focused on IDP camps in the city rather than on the whole community.
The crisis contributed to policy change with the introduction of Rapid Diagnostic Tests and artemether-lumefantrine for treatment.
Conclusions: Although the political crisis affected malaria programs there were no outbreaks of malaria. Emergency responses were quickly organized and beneficial long term changes in treatment and diagnosis were facilitated.
Author: Joao MartinsAnthony ZwiNelson MartinsPaul Kelly
Credits/Source: Conflict and Health 2009, 3:11
Malaria is a major global health problem, often exacerbated by political instability, conflict, and forced migration.Objectives: To examine the impact of political upheaval and population displacement in Timor-Leste (2006) on malaria in the country.
Method
Case study approach drawing on both qualitative and quantitative methods including document reviews, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, site visits and analysis of routinely collected data.
Findings
The conflict had its most profound impact on Dili, the capital city, in which tens of thousands of people were displaced from their homes. The conflict interrupted routine malaria service programs and training, but did not lead to an increase in malaria incidence.
Interventions covering treatment, insecticide treated nets (ITN) distribution, vector control, surveillance and health promotion were promptly organized for internally displaced people (IDPs) and routine health services were maintained. Vector control interventions were focused on IDP camps in the city rather than on the whole community.
The crisis contributed to policy change with the introduction of Rapid Diagnostic Tests and artemether-lumefantrine for treatment.
Conclusions: Although the political crisis affected malaria programs there were no outbreaks of malaria. Emergency responses were quickly organized and beneficial long term changes in treatment and diagnosis were facilitated.
Author: Joao MartinsAnthony ZwiNelson MartinsPaul Kelly
Credits/Source: Conflict and Health 2009, 3:11
UNDP Supports Special Olympics Team
UNDP Supports Special Olympics Team
Smiling and hugging each other, the seven men from the districts of Los Palos, Liquica, Manatuto and Dili disembarked from their Merpati Flight waving a special flag that they had received in Jakarta, acknowledging that Timor-Leste will next year host the Special Olympics for the first time since the restoration of the country's independence in 2002. It was a moment with huge symbolic significance for thousands of people with disabilities in the country. It also demonstrated the power of sports as a transcendental, unifying force throughout the world.
The group was part of a team of 13 Timorese athletes and support staff returning from Dili on 11 November 2009 after representing their country in the Asia Pacific Special Olympics which were held from 6 - 10 November 2009. The team subsequently represented the country in the Peace Games in Kupang from 20-23 November 2009.
Their mission was facilitated by the Ministry of Social Solidarity (MSS) with financial contribution from the Dialogue Project of UNDP.
The US $ 10,000 UNDP contribution was provided courtesy of funding made available through the UN's Peacebuilding Fund in recognition of the crucial role that can be played by sports in promotion of positive national identity as part of programming aimed at strengthening social stability. UNDP also recognizes the important contribution this event will make to raising the profile of persons with disabilities as a source of national pride and important part of the broader Timorese community.
In making the request for support for these activities the Minister for Social Solidarity, Maria Domingas Fernandes Alves highlighted how "supporting the Special Olympics Team of Timor-Leste to participate in these two international sporting events will also contribute to strengthening pride in Timorese national identity and thereby help contribute to community stability, a core goal of the Trust-Building Pillar of the National Recovery Strategy and of UNDP's assistance to MSS."
"The National Directorate of Social Assistance has a long-term commitment to addressing the needs of persons with disabilities" remarked the Director of Social Assistance, Amandio Amaral Freitas, adding: "At this time platforms which help raise the profile of this group as a source of pride for the nation are an important way in which we can help the country move forward in an inclusive and equitable way."
Underscoring the importance of Timor-Leste being host to the Special Olympics next year, UNDP Country Director Akbar Usmani said that UNDP has been a close partner of the Government throughout the recovery process and in the transition best summed up by the Government's own catchphrase 'Goodbye Conflict, Welcome Development' (Adeus Conflicto, Bemvindo Desenvolvimento). "As Timor-Leste is now preparing to play host of this important regional event the nation is also clearly demonstrating the strong role it has to play as a member of the Asia-Pacific community."
The Country Director added that UNDP shares the Government's vision of the importance of Timor-Leste's participation in the international arena "as a key catalyst in strengthening national unity as well as these particular events representing an important opportunity to demonstrate the progressive and equitable approach demonstrated by the Government and in particular, the Ministry of Social Solidarity."
At a press conference on November 11 to welcome the team back from Jakarta, the Secretary of State for Youth and Sport Miguel Manetelo said that Timor-Leste is privileged to host the Special Olympics next year and therefore, should prepare well in advance to ensure that the event is a success.
The Special Olympics Team of Timor Leste was established in November 2008 with the Minister for Social Solidarity, Maria Domingas Fernandes Alves nominated as its president. Currently, it comprises 57 members drawn from all districts of the country.
Smiling and hugging each other, the seven men from the districts of Los Palos, Liquica, Manatuto and Dili disembarked from their Merpati Flight waving a special flag that they had received in Jakarta, acknowledging that Timor-Leste will next year host the Special Olympics for the first time since the restoration of the country's independence in 2002. It was a moment with huge symbolic significance for thousands of people with disabilities in the country. It also demonstrated the power of sports as a transcendental, unifying force throughout the world.
The group was part of a team of 13 Timorese athletes and support staff returning from Dili on 11 November 2009 after representing their country in the Asia Pacific Special Olympics which were held from 6 - 10 November 2009. The team subsequently represented the country in the Peace Games in Kupang from 20-23 November 2009.
Their mission was facilitated by the Ministry of Social Solidarity (MSS) with financial contribution from the Dialogue Project of UNDP.
The US $ 10,000 UNDP contribution was provided courtesy of funding made available through the UN's Peacebuilding Fund in recognition of the crucial role that can be played by sports in promotion of positive national identity as part of programming aimed at strengthening social stability. UNDP also recognizes the important contribution this event will make to raising the profile of persons with disabilities as a source of national pride and important part of the broader Timorese community.
In making the request for support for these activities the Minister for Social Solidarity, Maria Domingas Fernandes Alves highlighted how "supporting the Special Olympics Team of Timor-Leste to participate in these two international sporting events will also contribute to strengthening pride in Timorese national identity and thereby help contribute to community stability, a core goal of the Trust-Building Pillar of the National Recovery Strategy and of UNDP's assistance to MSS."
"The National Directorate of Social Assistance has a long-term commitment to addressing the needs of persons with disabilities" remarked the Director of Social Assistance, Amandio Amaral Freitas, adding: "At this time platforms which help raise the profile of this group as a source of pride for the nation are an important way in which we can help the country move forward in an inclusive and equitable way."
Underscoring the importance of Timor-Leste being host to the Special Olympics next year, UNDP Country Director Akbar Usmani said that UNDP has been a close partner of the Government throughout the recovery process and in the transition best summed up by the Government's own catchphrase 'Goodbye Conflict, Welcome Development' (Adeus Conflicto, Bemvindo Desenvolvimento). "As Timor-Leste is now preparing to play host of this important regional event the nation is also clearly demonstrating the strong role it has to play as a member of the Asia-Pacific community."
The Country Director added that UNDP shares the Government's vision of the importance of Timor-Leste's participation in the international arena "as a key catalyst in strengthening national unity as well as these particular events representing an important opportunity to demonstrate the progressive and equitable approach demonstrated by the Government and in particular, the Ministry of Social Solidarity."
At a press conference on November 11 to welcome the team back from Jakarta, the Secretary of State for Youth and Sport Miguel Manetelo said that Timor-Leste is privileged to host the Special Olympics next year and therefore, should prepare well in advance to ensure that the event is a success.
The Special Olympics Team of Timor Leste was established in November 2008 with the Minister for Social Solidarity, Maria Domingas Fernandes Alves nominated as its president. Currently, it comprises 57 members drawn from all districts of the country.
Rudd rushes in (Balibo)
ABC The Drum Unleashed
17 December 2009
Rudd rushes in
Bruce Haigh
For 25 years the invasion of East Timor and the murder of five Australian journalists at Balibo by members of the Indonesian armed forces defined the relationship between the two countries.
It is still significant. In November 2007 the NSW Deputy Coroner, Dorelle Pinch found that, "The Balibo Five...were shot and or stabbed deliberately, and not in the heat of battle." The murders were carried out by Indonesian special force soldiers.
The findings were referred to the AFP for investigation as war crimes. Nothing happened under AFP Commissioner Keelty. It couldn't. Keelty was caught between a rock and a hard place. He had developed a relationship with the Indonesian police and military to thwart people smuggling. It worked because both either ran or received protection money from the people smugglers. He feared that investigating the military over the Balibo deaths would hazard the finely balanced refugee disruption operation in which the AFP was a player with the Indonesian military and police.
Keelty retired in May 2009 and in August his successor Tony Negus announced that the AFP would begin its investigation into the deaths. In September the Indonesian government said that the case should remain closed. In October refugee boats started to arrive in Australian waters and in November the Indonesian government banned the feature film Balibo which portrays the deaths and the events surrounding them. The film was however screened in Jakarta by the Independent Journalists' Alliance on 3 December.
The arrival of the refugee boats could be co-incidental because events in the source countries of Afghanistan and Sri Lanka saw conditions favouring the exit of persecuted individuals and families. Nonetheless the Indonesian military does have the capacity to turn on and off the flow of boats.
The Australian government is well aware of this and has sought to minimise this eventuality with increases in aid to police and military institutions. However when events eventually dictated a different approach the Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, sought a government to government agreement through the Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The catalyst was a boat of Sri Lankan Tamils fleeing detention from Indonesian holding prisons. How they managed to get out of detention and find a boat to take 260 people to Australia remains a mystery.
Fools rush in where wise men fear to tread and so it was with Rudd. In mid October Rudd thought he had a deal with the Indonesian President after a hasty, and one suspects some-what desperate, phone call. Domestically the Opposition were braying at his heals and he ran even though he held an opinion poll lead of some substance over them.
Rudd was able to get the President to have the boat turned back by the Indonesian Navy. He followed this up with an agreement for Indonesia to accept asylum seekers bound for Australia. The agreement lasted less than a month when Rudd concluded a special deal with another group of Tamils on board an Australian vessel the Oceanic Viking.
Local Indonesian officials and the military demonstrated the limitations of the President's direct authority away from the city state of Jakarta. They refused to accept the refugees under the terms of the newly concluded agreement.
As the AFP can attest the military and police control politics and the many and varied rackets outside of the capital. The military has the primary domestic role of holding the archipelago together. It gives them considerable power. The President and other national politicians exercise power through influence and that power takes time to translate into action which sometimes is effective and sometimes is not. In this instance it was not.
Rudd should have known better. He should have been properly advised, perhaps he was and yet again didn't listen. What possessed him to believe that the Indonesian military would be keen to save his domestic political hide? Yudhoyono's lapse of judgement was just that and it cannot have been long before he was made aware of it from the quarters which matter.
What if anything did Rudd offer to make his deal stick? Cancellation of the order of US built F35 fighter bombers? Vast amounts of money into the pockets of Indonesian generals?
So successful was Rudd that the object of his representations, the boat with 260 Tamil asylum seekers, remains in limbo in the Indonesian port of Merak with the asylum seekers still on board.
Balibo is the skeleton in the closet of attempts to have a workable diplomatic relationship with Indonesia.
The military will use all means available to them to influence, direct and control Indonesian domestic politics on the issue. They will attempt, probably successfully, to thwart Australian investigations.
They appear to have briefed former Kopassus (Special Forces) officer, Gatot Purwanto, to spin a variation of the 'they were caught in crossfire' claim to protect the hide of Yunus Yosfiah, the officer who ordered and carried out the murders.
Purwanto claims that firing came from behind the journalists, forcing Indonesian armed forces to open fire. This claim has been dismissed. There were no Fretilin forces in the area where the shots were alleged to have originated.
Purwanto admitted the bodies were burnt in order to hide evidence of the killing of foreigners. Faced with an awful accident of war the Indonesian authorities might have admitted such a mistake and handed the bodies over. But they could not as the nature of the injuries would have made known that the journalists were deliberately killed. The military hit squad had to get rid of the bodies.
Purwanto is a stalking horse for the military and in particular his old boss in East Timor at the time Yosfiah, who rose, as is the want with the Indonesian military, to the rank of General. Purwanto served for a time as a senior intelligence officer in East Timor, identifying, hunting down and interrogating Fretilin suspects. Many of these interrogations were accompanied by torture.
The AFP must investigate the murders, but in addition to worrying about the knock on effect on the refugee disruption program it has concerns that co-operation on terrorism will be affected. It need not, co-operation has been tainted by contact, at various levels, between the military, police and the Jemaah Islamiah, the main radical Islamic group in Indonesia. Unfortunately the AFP has never been fully included in the loop.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
17 December 2009
Rudd rushes in
Bruce Haigh
For 25 years the invasion of East Timor and the murder of five Australian journalists at Balibo by members of the Indonesian armed forces defined the relationship between the two countries.
It is still significant. In November 2007 the NSW Deputy Coroner, Dorelle Pinch found that, "The Balibo Five...were shot and or stabbed deliberately, and not in the heat of battle." The murders were carried out by Indonesian special force soldiers.
The findings were referred to the AFP for investigation as war crimes. Nothing happened under AFP Commissioner Keelty. It couldn't. Keelty was caught between a rock and a hard place. He had developed a relationship with the Indonesian police and military to thwart people smuggling. It worked because both either ran or received protection money from the people smugglers. He feared that investigating the military over the Balibo deaths would hazard the finely balanced refugee disruption operation in which the AFP was a player with the Indonesian military and police.
Keelty retired in May 2009 and in August his successor Tony Negus announced that the AFP would begin its investigation into the deaths. In September the Indonesian government said that the case should remain closed. In October refugee boats started to arrive in Australian waters and in November the Indonesian government banned the feature film Balibo which portrays the deaths and the events surrounding them. The film was however screened in Jakarta by the Independent Journalists' Alliance on 3 December.
The arrival of the refugee boats could be co-incidental because events in the source countries of Afghanistan and Sri Lanka saw conditions favouring the exit of persecuted individuals and families. Nonetheless the Indonesian military does have the capacity to turn on and off the flow of boats.
The Australian government is well aware of this and has sought to minimise this eventuality with increases in aid to police and military institutions. However when events eventually dictated a different approach the Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, sought a government to government agreement through the Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The catalyst was a boat of Sri Lankan Tamils fleeing detention from Indonesian holding prisons. How they managed to get out of detention and find a boat to take 260 people to Australia remains a mystery.
Fools rush in where wise men fear to tread and so it was with Rudd. In mid October Rudd thought he had a deal with the Indonesian President after a hasty, and one suspects some-what desperate, phone call. Domestically the Opposition were braying at his heals and he ran even though he held an opinion poll lead of some substance over them.
Rudd was able to get the President to have the boat turned back by the Indonesian Navy. He followed this up with an agreement for Indonesia to accept asylum seekers bound for Australia. The agreement lasted less than a month when Rudd concluded a special deal with another group of Tamils on board an Australian vessel the Oceanic Viking.
Local Indonesian officials and the military demonstrated the limitations of the President's direct authority away from the city state of Jakarta. They refused to accept the refugees under the terms of the newly concluded agreement.
As the AFP can attest the military and police control politics and the many and varied rackets outside of the capital. The military has the primary domestic role of holding the archipelago together. It gives them considerable power. The President and other national politicians exercise power through influence and that power takes time to translate into action which sometimes is effective and sometimes is not. In this instance it was not.
Rudd should have known better. He should have been properly advised, perhaps he was and yet again didn't listen. What possessed him to believe that the Indonesian military would be keen to save his domestic political hide? Yudhoyono's lapse of judgement was just that and it cannot have been long before he was made aware of it from the quarters which matter.
What if anything did Rudd offer to make his deal stick? Cancellation of the order of US built F35 fighter bombers? Vast amounts of money into the pockets of Indonesian generals?
So successful was Rudd that the object of his representations, the boat with 260 Tamil asylum seekers, remains in limbo in the Indonesian port of Merak with the asylum seekers still on board.
Balibo is the skeleton in the closet of attempts to have a workable diplomatic relationship with Indonesia.
The military will use all means available to them to influence, direct and control Indonesian domestic politics on the issue. They will attempt, probably successfully, to thwart Australian investigations.
They appear to have briefed former Kopassus (Special Forces) officer, Gatot Purwanto, to spin a variation of the 'they were caught in crossfire' claim to protect the hide of Yunus Yosfiah, the officer who ordered and carried out the murders.
Purwanto claims that firing came from behind the journalists, forcing Indonesian armed forces to open fire. This claim has been dismissed. There were no Fretilin forces in the area where the shots were alleged to have originated.
Purwanto admitted the bodies were burnt in order to hide evidence of the killing of foreigners. Faced with an awful accident of war the Indonesian authorities might have admitted such a mistake and handed the bodies over. But they could not as the nature of the injuries would have made known that the journalists were deliberately killed. The military hit squad had to get rid of the bodies.
Purwanto is a stalking horse for the military and in particular his old boss in East Timor at the time Yosfiah, who rose, as is the want with the Indonesian military, to the rank of General. Purwanto served for a time as a senior intelligence officer in East Timor, identifying, hunting down and interrogating Fretilin suspects. Many of these interrogations were accompanied by torture.
The AFP must investigate the murders, but in addition to worrying about the knock on effect on the refugee disruption program it has concerns that co-operation on terrorism will be affected. It need not, co-operation has been tainted by contact, at various levels, between the military, police and the Jemaah Islamiah, the main radical Islamic group in Indonesia. Unfortunately the AFP has never been fully included in the loop.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Xmas concert tour for troops in ET
CHRISTMAS CONCERT TOUR
FOR THE TROOPS IN EAST TIMOR
Australian entertainers John Schumann and the Vagabond Crew, singer Chantelle Delaney and comedian Gary Bradbury have begun a series of concerts for Australian and New Zealand Defence Force personnel deployed with the International Stabilisation Force (ISF) in East Timor.
Ten years after the first forces entertainment concert when Australian Defence Force personnel initially deployed to East Timor, the 17th Australian Defence Force Entertainment Tour began with a concert at the ISF Forward Operating Base in the Gleno district South-West of the capital, Dili.
John Schumann and the Vagabond Crew launched the tour with Australian songs, several of which tell the stories of Australian soldiers who have served overseas since the First World War. Comedian Gary Bradbury used knowledge gained from his own military service to entice the service personnel into taking a laugh at themselves in a very Australian way. Singer Chantelle Delaney then sang some well-known covers.
Corporal Sunil Nazareth enjoyed the Gleno concert. He said it was great relief that had the troops both laughing and feeling nostalgic.
"I liked the comedian. He observed a few home truths that were pretty funny," Corporal Nazareth said at the end of the concert.
"Hearing the song I was only 19 touched a chord and Waltzing Matilda is a favourite and especially meaningful when away from home at Christmas on deployment."
Major Matt Wilson, who has served in the Australian Army for over 25 years said the concert was particularly moving.
"To hear such iconic soldiers' songs being performed at a Forward Operating Base by the bloke who wrote it was a great experience," he said.
Earlier in the day the musicians had warmed up their vocal chords performing Christmas carols for children at an orphanage in Gleno. This acoustic show included an impromptu jam session when the local children commandeered the band's guitars. The Entertainment Tour continues with a concert in the Timor Leste Aviation Group hangar where Australian Army Black Hawk helicopters are ordinarily stationed, and this will be followed by a final concert at HPOD, the largest ISF base in East Timor.
Media note: imagery can be found at
http://www.defence.gov.au/opEx/global/opastute/images/gallery/2009/1217/index.htm
Media contacts: Defence Media Liaison: 02 6127 1999 or 0408 498 664
FOR THE TROOPS IN EAST TIMOR
Australian entertainers John Schumann and the Vagabond Crew, singer Chantelle Delaney and comedian Gary Bradbury have begun a series of concerts for Australian and New Zealand Defence Force personnel deployed with the International Stabilisation Force (ISF) in East Timor.
Ten years after the first forces entertainment concert when Australian Defence Force personnel initially deployed to East Timor, the 17th Australian Defence Force Entertainment Tour began with a concert at the ISF Forward Operating Base in the Gleno district South-West of the capital, Dili.
John Schumann and the Vagabond Crew launched the tour with Australian songs, several of which tell the stories of Australian soldiers who have served overseas since the First World War. Comedian Gary Bradbury used knowledge gained from his own military service to entice the service personnel into taking a laugh at themselves in a very Australian way. Singer Chantelle Delaney then sang some well-known covers.
Corporal Sunil Nazareth enjoyed the Gleno concert. He said it was great relief that had the troops both laughing and feeling nostalgic.
"I liked the comedian. He observed a few home truths that were pretty funny," Corporal Nazareth said at the end of the concert.
"Hearing the song I was only 19 touched a chord and Waltzing Matilda is a favourite and especially meaningful when away from home at Christmas on deployment."
Major Matt Wilson, who has served in the Australian Army for over 25 years said the concert was particularly moving.
"To hear such iconic soldiers' songs being performed at a Forward Operating Base by the bloke who wrote it was a great experience," he said.
Earlier in the day the musicians had warmed up their vocal chords performing Christmas carols for children at an orphanage in Gleno. This acoustic show included an impromptu jam session when the local children commandeered the band's guitars. The Entertainment Tour continues with a concert in the Timor Leste Aviation Group hangar where Australian Army Black Hawk helicopters are ordinarily stationed, and this will be followed by a final concert at HPOD, the largest ISF base in East Timor.
Media note: imagery can be found at
Media contacts: Defence Media Liaison: 02 6127 1999 or 0408 498 664
Progress Report (on parliament action
CAVR/CTF FOLLOW-UP INSTITUTION: PROGRESS REPORT
18 December 2009
1. Background
On 14 December 2009, the Timor-Leste National Parliament debated a Resolution on the implementation of recommendations from the CAVR and CTF reports. The debate came 4 years and 16 days after the CAVR report was delivered to the Parliament on 28 November 2005. The Parliament’s initiative was led by the President of the Parliament, Fernando de Araujo, and owed much to the work of individual MPs, civil society, UNMIT and the National Consensus Dialogue on Truth, Justice and Reconciliation.
2. Parliamentary Resolution and debate
In its preamble, the Resolution (34/11) acknowledged the work and reports of the two commissions, the need to recognise, honour and alleviate the suffering of victims through just reparations and the necessity of implementing the two sets of recommendations. In its operative section, the Resolution asked the Parliament’s Committee A to prepare draft legislation comprising concrete measures to implement the recommendations and the creation of an autonomous body for that purpose. The Parliament requested that this draft legislation be completed within 3 months (i.e. by the middle of March 2010 at the latest). It also called for the publication of the CAVR Executive Summary and the CTF reports.
All MPs present warmly acknowledged the two reports, strongly endorsed the need and urgency to establish a mechanism to implement the recommendations and voted to refer the framing of legislation to Committee A. The majority, however, preferred that the implementing mechanism be located within the Government not autonomous.
3. Analysis
The media have misreported the debate. The Parliament did not debate or adopt the CAVR or CTF reports. The debate focussed only on a follow-up mechanism to implement recommendations. It is not known if the Parliament will discuss the substance and findings of the CAVR and CTF reports.
The Resolution expresses the mind of those MPs who were present in the chamber for the debate (at least 20 were absent) but does not have the force of law. The status of the new body, its terms of reference and which recommendations it will address from CAVR/CTF will be debated further in Committee A and determined when the Parliament debates the draft legislation prepared by Committee A.
The Resolution indicates that the Parliament favours the idea of a reparations program for victims and that recommendations common to both the CAVR and CTF reports should be jointly implemented by one body.
The reference in the Resolution to the publication of the two reports is a formality. Both reports have already been published and disseminated widely.
During and since the debate one or two MPs have expressed concerns that following-up the two reports will ‘re-open old wounds and create conflict’. In response, it should be emphasised that this is not the intention of the process. The intention is to heal not hurt. Problems are more likely to occur if nothing is done. Second, it should be recalled that similar fears were expressed in 2000-2001 about CAVR. However, the CAVR process (which involved bringing victims and perpetrators together and graphic public testimony by victims about the violations they suffered) never triggered violence. On the contrary it contributed to stability and healing.
Some have suggested that it is the Government’s responsibility to implement the Recommendations because, in CAVR’s case, the Regulation required CAVR to direct its recommendations to the Government. This is not so. CAVR recommendations are directed to a range of institutions. It is the responsibility of the Parliament to decide how the various recommendations are acted on.
4. Other matters
In its recent budget deliberations, the Parliament voted a contingency sum of US$250,000 for the new institution. This fund will be held in a reserve account by the Ministry of Finance until the new body is established. This is further evidence of the Parliament and Government’s support for the new body.
The Parliament’s plan to establish a follow-up mechanism means that the Post-CAVR Technical Secretariat will wind up in the first part of 2010.
Some Governments and other recipients of the CAVR report have stated that they should not respond to its contents until the Timor-Leste Parliament has done so. The Parliament’s initiative this week has now opened the way for long overdue international discussion of Chega! and implementation of its relevant recommendations.
Prior to the debate, local NGOs presented hundreds of signed petitions to the Parliament urging it to urgently act on the implementation of the CAVR report. The majority of the petitions were signed by Timorese from all parts of Timor-Leste. Citizens from 23 other countries, including Indonesia, also endorsed the petition.
The Post-CAVR Technical Secretariat is organising a public information program early 2010 to explain and consult about developments regarding the two reports to key stakeholders, including Government Ministries, victims groups, civil society, and the international community. This program will be undertaken with the support of the European Commission (EC). A report on the program will be provided to Committee A.
Copies of the Resolution adopted by the Parliament are available in Portuguese and English on request.
Pat Walsh
Senior Advisor, Post-CAVR Technical Secretariat, Dili.
Email: padiwalsh@gmail.com Tel (+670) 726 8423
Follow-up institution progress report 18 Dec 09
18 December 2009
1. Background
On 14 December 2009, the Timor-Leste National Parliament debated a Resolution on the implementation of recommendations from the CAVR and CTF reports. The debate came 4 years and 16 days after the CAVR report was delivered to the Parliament on 28 November 2005. The Parliament’s initiative was led by the President of the Parliament, Fernando de Araujo, and owed much to the work of individual MPs, civil society, UNMIT and the National Consensus Dialogue on Truth, Justice and Reconciliation.
2. Parliamentary Resolution and debate
In its preamble, the Resolution (34/11) acknowledged the work and reports of the two commissions, the need to recognise, honour and alleviate the suffering of victims through just reparations and the necessity of implementing the two sets of recommendations. In its operative section, the Resolution asked the Parliament’s Committee A to prepare draft legislation comprising concrete measures to implement the recommendations and the creation of an autonomous body for that purpose. The Parliament requested that this draft legislation be completed within 3 months (i.e. by the middle of March 2010 at the latest). It also called for the publication of the CAVR Executive Summary and the CTF reports.
All MPs present warmly acknowledged the two reports, strongly endorsed the need and urgency to establish a mechanism to implement the recommendations and voted to refer the framing of legislation to Committee A. The majority, however, preferred that the implementing mechanism be located within the Government not autonomous.
3. Analysis
The media have misreported the debate. The Parliament did not debate or adopt the CAVR or CTF reports. The debate focussed only on a follow-up mechanism to implement recommendations. It is not known if the Parliament will discuss the substance and findings of the CAVR and CTF reports.
The Resolution expresses the mind of those MPs who were present in the chamber for the debate (at least 20 were absent) but does not have the force of law. The status of the new body, its terms of reference and which recommendations it will address from CAVR/CTF will be debated further in Committee A and determined when the Parliament debates the draft legislation prepared by Committee A.
The Resolution indicates that the Parliament favours the idea of a reparations program for victims and that recommendations common to both the CAVR and CTF reports should be jointly implemented by one body.
The reference in the Resolution to the publication of the two reports is a formality. Both reports have already been published and disseminated widely.
During and since the debate one or two MPs have expressed concerns that following-up the two reports will ‘re-open old wounds and create conflict’. In response, it should be emphasised that this is not the intention of the process. The intention is to heal not hurt. Problems are more likely to occur if nothing is done. Second, it should be recalled that similar fears were expressed in 2000-2001 about CAVR. However, the CAVR process (which involved bringing victims and perpetrators together and graphic public testimony by victims about the violations they suffered) never triggered violence. On the contrary it contributed to stability and healing.
Some have suggested that it is the Government’s responsibility to implement the Recommendations because, in CAVR’s case, the Regulation required CAVR to direct its recommendations to the Government. This is not so. CAVR recommendations are directed to a range of institutions. It is the responsibility of the Parliament to decide how the various recommendations are acted on.
4. Other matters
In its recent budget deliberations, the Parliament voted a contingency sum of US$250,000 for the new institution. This fund will be held in a reserve account by the Ministry of Finance until the new body is established. This is further evidence of the Parliament and Government’s support for the new body.
The Parliament’s plan to establish a follow-up mechanism means that the Post-CAVR Technical Secretariat will wind up in the first part of 2010.
Some Governments and other recipients of the CAVR report have stated that they should not respond to its contents until the Timor-Leste Parliament has done so. The Parliament’s initiative this week has now opened the way for long overdue international discussion of Chega! and implementation of its relevant recommendations.
Prior to the debate, local NGOs presented hundreds of signed petitions to the Parliament urging it to urgently act on the implementation of the CAVR report. The majority of the petitions were signed by Timorese from all parts of Timor-Leste. Citizens from 23 other countries, including Indonesia, also endorsed the petition.
The Post-CAVR Technical Secretariat is organising a public information program early 2010 to explain and consult about developments regarding the two reports to key stakeholders, including Government Ministries, victims groups, civil society, and the international community. This program will be undertaken with the support of the European Commission (EC). A report on the program will be provided to Committee A.
Copies of the Resolution adopted by the Parliament are available in Portuguese and English on request.
Pat Walsh
Senior Advisor, Post-CAVR Technical Secretariat, Dili.
Email: padiwalsh@gmail.com Tel (+670) 726 8423
Follow-up institution progress report 18 Dec 09
Spanish Government Expands Support for FAO Baucau Project
Spanish Government Expands Support for FAO Baucau Project
18 December, 2009 Dili, Timor Leste, The successful UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Food Security and Livelihoods Project in the District of Baucau in Timor-Leste received fresh additional funding worth 600.000 EUR from the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID) in November 2009. This will allow FAO to expand support to food security in Baucau until 2011.
The aim of this project is to increase the variety, quality and quantity of food produced by the communities living around the Seiçal River basin in Baucau District. The Project builds on the farmers' capacity with the aim of promoting progressive transition from subsistence farming to a more market-oriented approach to production. The project focuses on integrating production of staple crops (cereals and tubers), legumes and vegetables and small livestock, by supplying farming inputs (seeds, tools and animals) along with training and new adapted technologies. At present over 2,000 families from 15 Sucos (villages) are benefiting in this Project.
Timorese women have a fundamental role in agriculture, such as house gardens and small livestock activities. Improvement in vegetable production provides food diversification for households and creates surpluses which can then be sold at local markets. Phase II of the Project will continue and expand ongoing food security, livelihoods and human nutrition activities, with a special emphasis on children and women, the most vulnerable groups in the community. The project will promote best practice such as using animal manure for fertilizer as well as using farm by-products as an alternative source of animal feed.
School gardens will be established in each of the communities with the aim of improving nutrition for the students during school time by promoting the consumption of vegetables in the daily diet and to teach children how to produce vegetables at home. These activities will be implemented in synergy with the recently approved joint UN Food Security and Nutrition Programme funded by the Spain-sponsored Millennium Development Goals (MDG) Achievement Fund. .
Mr Fabrizio Cesaretti, Emergency and Rehabilitation Coordinator in Timor-Leste and Mr Francisco de AsÃs López Sanz, Director of the Spanish Cooperation in Timor Leste said today "Thanks to these additional contributions, and AECID's strong commitment with FAO, Spain has become the main donor of FAO activities in Timor Leste. Consequently this joint programme is now able to expand and strengthen the programme of assistance to Timorese farming and fishing communities."
For further information, contact: Fabrizio Cesaretti - Emergency and Rehabilitation Coordinator - Emergency and Rehabilitation Unit - Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, FAO Office Number: +670 331 2960 Mobile: +670 737 6389; E-mail: Fabrizio.Cesaretti@fao.org
Internet: http://www.fao.org/emergencies/country_information/list/asia/timorleste/en/
18 December, 2009 Dili, Timor Leste, The successful UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Food Security and Livelihoods Project in the District of Baucau in Timor-Leste received fresh additional funding worth 600.000 EUR from the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID) in November 2009. This will allow FAO to expand support to food security in Baucau until 2011.
The aim of this project is to increase the variety, quality and quantity of food produced by the communities living around the Seiçal River basin in Baucau District. The Project builds on the farmers' capacity with the aim of promoting progressive transition from subsistence farming to a more market-oriented approach to production. The project focuses on integrating production of staple crops (cereals and tubers), legumes and vegetables and small livestock, by supplying farming inputs (seeds, tools and animals) along with training and new adapted technologies. At present over 2,000 families from 15 Sucos (villages) are benefiting in this Project.
Timorese women have a fundamental role in agriculture, such as house gardens and small livestock activities. Improvement in vegetable production provides food diversification for households and creates surpluses which can then be sold at local markets. Phase II of the Project will continue and expand ongoing food security, livelihoods and human nutrition activities, with a special emphasis on children and women, the most vulnerable groups in the community. The project will promote best practice such as using animal manure for fertilizer as well as using farm by-products as an alternative source of animal feed.
School gardens will be established in each of the communities with the aim of improving nutrition for the students during school time by promoting the consumption of vegetables in the daily diet and to teach children how to produce vegetables at home. These activities will be implemented in synergy with the recently approved joint UN Food Security and Nutrition Programme funded by the Spain-sponsored Millennium Development Goals (MDG) Achievement Fund. .
Mr Fabrizio Cesaretti, Emergency and Rehabilitation Coordinator in Timor-Leste and Mr Francisco de AsÃs López Sanz, Director of the Spanish Cooperation in Timor Leste said today "Thanks to these additional contributions, and AECID's strong commitment with FAO, Spain has become the main donor of FAO activities in Timor Leste. Consequently this joint programme is now able to expand and strengthen the programme of assistance to Timorese farming and fishing communities."
For further information, contact: Fabrizio Cesaretti - Emergency and Rehabilitation Coordinator - Emergency and Rehabilitation Unit - Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, FAO Office Number: +670 331 2960 Mobile: +670 737 6389; E-mail: Fabrizio.Cesaretti@fao.org
Internet: http://www.fao.org/emergencies/country_information/list/asia/timorleste/en/
Wednesday, 16 December 2009
Peace Dividend Trust wins major social entrepreneur award
Skoll Foundation Invests in Leading Social Entrepreneurs
Peace Dividend Trust is latest recipient of Skoll Award for Social Entrepreneurship
Foundation renews support for Skoll Centre at Oxford University
Investments in The Elders and the Middle East Venture Capital Fund promote new approaches to conflict resolution
PALO ALTO, Calif. – December 15, 2009 – The Skoll Foundation announced today new investments in social entrepreneurs and other innovators driving large scale change on critical issues around the globe. Peace Dividend Trust, which makes peace and humanitarian operations more effective and equitable to promote durable peace, received the Skoll Award for Social Entrepreneurship, which includes a $765,000 grant. The Foundation also invested $500,000 to support the work of The Elders, a group of eminent global leaders brought together by Nelson Mandela to support peace building, address major causes of human suffering and promote the shared interests of humanity. The Foundation also approved a $2.5 million investment in the Middle East Venture Capital Fund, which will fund information and communications technology companies originating in the Palestinian Territories. Finally, the Foundation renewed its commitment to the Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship at Oxford University with a $3.6 million grant, with a focus on developing talent and scholarship in social entrepreneurship, as well as building the Centre’s role as a global hub for social entrepreneurship.
“As the Foundation enters its second decade, we are increasingly focused on entrepreneurial approaches that hold the greatest promise for significant impact on pressing global issues,” said Sally Osberg, President and CEO of the Skoll Foundation. “The investments we’re announcing today are highly leveraged ways to both tackle tough issues, such as local economic empowerment in conflict zones, and to build out a stronger ecosystem to support innovators tackling these tough issues. We’re excited to begin working with this diverse group of innovative leaders and social change organizations.”
Peace Dividend Trust
In 2001, Scott Gilmore was working for the UN peacekeeping mission in Timor-Leste, on leave from the Canadian diplomatic service. He grew frustrated at how management and operational problems hampered the peacekeepers’ ability to achieve the strategic goals of the mission. Staffing practices, for example, prevented the UN mission from hiring local staff despite high unemployment. Scott started an informal group of development and peacekeeping professionals to share lessons learned in the hope of improving operational efficiency. In 2004, he launched Peace Dividend Trust (PDT). PDT focuses on the nuts and bolts of how peace missions operate to help those in charge learn from past failures, disperse benefits as widely as possible, and implement innovative, yet practical approaches to economic development. PDT has grown to over 100 people, has offices in five countries, and has operated in over 12 peace and humanitarian missions.
Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship
The Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship at the Oxford University’s Said Business School is a leading academic institution for the advancement of social entrepreneurship worldwide. It was founded in 2003 with a $7.5 million investment by the Skoll Foundation. During the past six years, the Skoll Centre has provided MBA scholarships for exceptional social entrepreneurs, created the first endowed chair in social entrepreneurship at a business school and launched the flagship Skoll World Forum on Social Entrepreneurship. While the Foundation will continue to support the Skoll World Forum via a separate dedicated grant, this new $3.6 million Foundation investment will be directed to four areas:
Developing Talent. The Centre will deepen its offering of world-class graduate education that provides students with the vision and skills to bring together market-oriented approaches and social innovation.
Advancing Scholarship. As part of a leading international university, the Centre will pursue interdisciplinary research around social entrepreneurship, particularly in the areas of social finance and performance measurement.
Creating a Collaborative Hub. The Centre will strengthen its role as a nexus between social entrepreneurs, students and faculty, and key influencers in business, government, academia, social investment, multilateral organizations and the media.
Institution Building. In addition to improved staffing/skills alignment, the Centre will build its capacity in communications and branding, governance and impact measurement.
The Elders
The Foundation is making a grant of $500,000 to support The Elders. Created in July 2007 at the impetus of Nelson Mandela, The Elders includes global leaders such as Jimmy Carter, Kofi Annan, Desmond Tutu and a number of others who have earned international trust, demonstrated integrity and built a reputation for progressive leadership. The Elders engage on a targeted set of critical global issues where their experience and weight can help bridge differences and drive policies forward, including conflict in the Middle East, the peace process in Cyprus, climate change and human rights. Jeff Skoll is one of the founding supporters of The Elders. (www.theElders.org)
Middle East Venture Capital Fund
Lack of a vibrant Palestinian economy is one of the key impediments to peace in the region. Per capita GDP, at just over $1,000 in 2008, is now lower in real terms than it was in 1997. The new Middle East Venture Capital Fund (MEVCF) will invest primarily in private, export-oriented, high-growth information and communications technology companies originating in the Palestinian Territories. The Fund has a target capitalization of $50 million, with a first closing target of $35 million. The Skoll Foundation will invest up to $2.5 million in the Fund. Fund management believes that an opportunity exists to develop entrepreneurial companies leveraging the growing community of technology professionals in the Palestinian Territories. A fast-growing market for technology in the broader Middle East/North Africa region should create a supportive regional ecosystem, as well as potential additional exit opportunities, for the Fund’s portfolio companies.
“Like the other program related investments we’ve made in the ShoreCap Funds, GroFin, Acumen Capital Markets, and the CAPE Fund, the Middle East Venture Capital Fund gives us an opportunity to use an innovative and socially entrepreneurial intermediary to accelerate the provision of capital to underserved markets,” said Richard Fahey, Chief Operating Officer of the Skoll Foundation. “These intermediaries are valuable because they are a highly leveraged ways to tap philanthropic funding to drive large-scale change in the areas in which they operate. While improving conditions for peace is our main objective with this MEVCF investment, we also believe this provides real opportunity for a financial return, remitting capital for the Foundation’s future social investments down the road.”
About the Skoll Foundation
The Skoll Foundation was created in 1999 by eBay's first president, Jeff Skoll, to promote his vision of a more peaceful and prosperous world. Today the Skoll Foundation drives large-scale change by investing in, connecting and celebrating social entrepreneurs and other innovators dedicated to solving the world’s most pressing problems. Social entrepreneurs are individuals dedicated to innovative, bottom-up solutions that transform unequal and unjust social, environmental and economic systems.
The Skoll Awards for Social Entrepreneurship is the foundation's flagship program. There are currently 61 organizations represented by 74 remarkable social entrepreneurs in the program, working individually and together across regions, countries and continents to deliver solutions to the world’s most challenging economic and social problems. The Skoll Foundation connects social entrepreneurs and other partners in the field via an online community at www.socialedge.org, and through the annual Skoll World Forum on Social Entrepreneurship. The foundation also celebrates social entrepreneurs through the work of flagship organizations such as the PBS NewsHour and the Sundance Institute, which help drive large-scale public awareness of social entrepreneurship and its potential to address the critical issues of our time.
Media contact:
Bruce Lowry
Communications Director
The Skoll Foundation
(650) 331-1020
blowry@skollfoundation.org
Peace Dividend Trust is latest recipient of Skoll Award for Social Entrepreneurship
Foundation renews support for Skoll Centre at Oxford University
Investments in The Elders and the Middle East Venture Capital Fund promote new approaches to conflict resolution
PALO ALTO, Calif. – December 15, 2009 – The Skoll Foundation announced today new investments in social entrepreneurs and other innovators driving large scale change on critical issues around the globe. Peace Dividend Trust, which makes peace and humanitarian operations more effective and equitable to promote durable peace, received the Skoll Award for Social Entrepreneurship, which includes a $765,000 grant. The Foundation also invested $500,000 to support the work of The Elders, a group of eminent global leaders brought together by Nelson Mandela to support peace building, address major causes of human suffering and promote the shared interests of humanity. The Foundation also approved a $2.5 million investment in the Middle East Venture Capital Fund, which will fund information and communications technology companies originating in the Palestinian Territories. Finally, the Foundation renewed its commitment to the Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship at Oxford University with a $3.6 million grant, with a focus on developing talent and scholarship in social entrepreneurship, as well as building the Centre’s role as a global hub for social entrepreneurship.
“As the Foundation enters its second decade, we are increasingly focused on entrepreneurial approaches that hold the greatest promise for significant impact on pressing global issues,” said Sally Osberg, President and CEO of the Skoll Foundation. “The investments we’re announcing today are highly leveraged ways to both tackle tough issues, such as local economic empowerment in conflict zones, and to build out a stronger ecosystem to support innovators tackling these tough issues. We’re excited to begin working with this diverse group of innovative leaders and social change organizations.”
Peace Dividend Trust
In 2001, Scott Gilmore was working for the UN peacekeeping mission in Timor-Leste, on leave from the Canadian diplomatic service. He grew frustrated at how management and operational problems hampered the peacekeepers’ ability to achieve the strategic goals of the mission. Staffing practices, for example, prevented the UN mission from hiring local staff despite high unemployment. Scott started an informal group of development and peacekeeping professionals to share lessons learned in the hope of improving operational efficiency. In 2004, he launched Peace Dividend Trust (PDT). PDT focuses on the nuts and bolts of how peace missions operate to help those in charge learn from past failures, disperse benefits as widely as possible, and implement innovative, yet practical approaches to economic development. PDT has grown to over 100 people, has offices in five countries, and has operated in over 12 peace and humanitarian missions.
Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship
The Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship at the Oxford University’s Said Business School is a leading academic institution for the advancement of social entrepreneurship worldwide. It was founded in 2003 with a $7.5 million investment by the Skoll Foundation. During the past six years, the Skoll Centre has provided MBA scholarships for exceptional social entrepreneurs, created the first endowed chair in social entrepreneurship at a business school and launched the flagship Skoll World Forum on Social Entrepreneurship. While the Foundation will continue to support the Skoll World Forum via a separate dedicated grant, this new $3.6 million Foundation investment will be directed to four areas:
Developing Talent. The Centre will deepen its offering of world-class graduate education that provides students with the vision and skills to bring together market-oriented approaches and social innovation.
Advancing Scholarship. As part of a leading international university, the Centre will pursue interdisciplinary research around social entrepreneurship, particularly in the areas of social finance and performance measurement.
Creating a Collaborative Hub. The Centre will strengthen its role as a nexus between social entrepreneurs, students and faculty, and key influencers in business, government, academia, social investment, multilateral organizations and the media.
Institution Building. In addition to improved staffing/skills alignment, the Centre will build its capacity in communications and branding, governance and impact measurement.
The Elders
The Foundation is making a grant of $500,000 to support The Elders. Created in July 2007 at the impetus of Nelson Mandela, The Elders includes global leaders such as Jimmy Carter, Kofi Annan, Desmond Tutu and a number of others who have earned international trust, demonstrated integrity and built a reputation for progressive leadership. The Elders engage on a targeted set of critical global issues where their experience and weight can help bridge differences and drive policies forward, including conflict in the Middle East, the peace process in Cyprus, climate change and human rights. Jeff Skoll is one of the founding supporters of The Elders. (www.theElders.org)
Middle East Venture Capital Fund
Lack of a vibrant Palestinian economy is one of the key impediments to peace in the region. Per capita GDP, at just over $1,000 in 2008, is now lower in real terms than it was in 1997. The new Middle East Venture Capital Fund (MEVCF) will invest primarily in private, export-oriented, high-growth information and communications technology companies originating in the Palestinian Territories. The Fund has a target capitalization of $50 million, with a first closing target of $35 million. The Skoll Foundation will invest up to $2.5 million in the Fund. Fund management believes that an opportunity exists to develop entrepreneurial companies leveraging the growing community of technology professionals in the Palestinian Territories. A fast-growing market for technology in the broader Middle East/North Africa region should create a supportive regional ecosystem, as well as potential additional exit opportunities, for the Fund’s portfolio companies.
“Like the other program related investments we’ve made in the ShoreCap Funds, GroFin, Acumen Capital Markets, and the CAPE Fund, the Middle East Venture Capital Fund gives us an opportunity to use an innovative and socially entrepreneurial intermediary to accelerate the provision of capital to underserved markets,” said Richard Fahey, Chief Operating Officer of the Skoll Foundation. “These intermediaries are valuable because they are a highly leveraged ways to tap philanthropic funding to drive large-scale change in the areas in which they operate. While improving conditions for peace is our main objective with this MEVCF investment, we also believe this provides real opportunity for a financial return, remitting capital for the Foundation’s future social investments down the road.”
About the Skoll Foundation
The Skoll Foundation was created in 1999 by eBay's first president, Jeff Skoll, to promote his vision of a more peaceful and prosperous world. Today the Skoll Foundation drives large-scale change by investing in, connecting and celebrating social entrepreneurs and other innovators dedicated to solving the world’s most pressing problems. Social entrepreneurs are individuals dedicated to innovative, bottom-up solutions that transform unequal and unjust social, environmental and economic systems.
The Skoll Awards for Social Entrepreneurship is the foundation's flagship program. There are currently 61 organizations represented by 74 remarkable social entrepreneurs in the program, working individually and together across regions, countries and continents to deliver solutions to the world’s most challenging economic and social problems. The Skoll Foundation connects social entrepreneurs and other partners in the field via an online community at www.socialedge.org, and through the annual Skoll World Forum on Social Entrepreneurship. The foundation also celebrates social entrepreneurs through the work of flagship organizations such as the PBS NewsHour and the Sundance Institute, which help drive large-scale public awareness of social entrepreneurship and its potential to address the critical issues of our time.
Media contact:
Bruce Lowry
Communications Director
The Skoll Foundation
(650) 331-1020
blowry@skollfoundation.org
Southeast Asian Leaders - Go for Solution Not Delusion
A Joint Statement, Copenhagen, Denmark, December 14, 2009
Copenhagen - 14 December 2009: We, members of Oilwatch Southeast Asia[i] and Indonesian Civil Society Forum for Climate Justice (CSF), declare our common position and demands on the current climate negotiation in COP 15 UNFCCC Copenhagen. We have witnessed the lack of leadership among industrial countries to significantly cut carbon emission let alone show their responsibility to support developing countries to tackle the impacts of climate change.
Southeast Asia is considered as one of the most vulnerable regions in the world to impacts of climate crisis. Most of the Southeast Asian countries are poor and majority of the population in the region live in deep poverty resulting to a very low capacity to adapt to climate change impacts. The location of the region poses high risk for disasters such as typhoons, droughts, earthquakes, and flooding.
We are disappointed that the negotiations in COP15 UNFCCC do not take into account the reality in the ground that fossil fuel exploitation by industrial countries have been going from strength to strength. Oil and gas projects of transnational corporations are mushrooming and demand for coal is increasing[ii].
Big foreign and private corporations such as Royal Dutch Shell, BHP Billiton, CNUOC, Chevron-Texaco, Amarada Hess, ConocoPhillips and Bumi Resources, are the same actors who plunder natural resources and pollute the environment[iii]. These big corporations control and exploit the rich natural resources of the region particularly fossil resources like oil, gas and coal. Also these entities with the support of international financial institutions like International Monetary Fund, World Bank and Asian Development Bank, are the owners and suppliers of fossil-based technologies and products that the people of Southeast Asian are forced to be dependent with.
Given the fact that burning and consumption of fossil fuels especially oil and coal is the leading cause of global carbon emission, we demand the national governments in Southeast Asia
· To agree on a common position to push for more than 40% carbon reduction from ANNEX I countries by 2020 from the level of 1990.
· To demand from ANNEX I countries to compensate Third World countries from ecological debt and fund their mitigation and adaptation initiatives
· To declare an immediate moratorium on new exploration and commercial operation of oil, gas and coal by big transnational companies in the region.
· To define a concrete timeline and comprehensive plan on eventual phase out of fossil fuel extraction and usage in the region.
In this regard there should be a significant investment on research and fast development of technologies that harness alternative and renewable resources of energy that are cheap, safe and clean. This is needed to make the economy and energy needs of Southeast Asia to veer away from relying on the production and consumption of fossil fuels. Majority of the income and revenues from the existing extraction of fossil fuel in the regions should be automatically appropriated for funding public services
We oppose the false solutions being implemented and pushed for by ANNEX I countries and their transnational corporations such as carbon trading, clean development mechanism, the proposed REDD and ‘clean’ coal technologies. These market-based and profit-oriented solutions put the interest of private corporations and ruling elite above anything else.
We push for the leaders of Southeast Asia countries to unite for truly address the issue of climate change and curb global warming. There should be a reversal of the orientation and framework of economic development and production in the region. In this regard, climate solutions should be based on human security, rectification of ecological debt, land rights, the change of production and consumption pattern, to realize social justice and people’s sovereignty.
These principles ensure in the heart of climate solutions are the welfare and interest of the people and the environment.
The Oilwatch Southeast Asia, CSF, PACC, La’o Hamutuk and TCJ remain committed not only in pushing for genuine climate solutions but also in steadfastly fight along with grassroots communities against agreement, policies, program and projects that will further aggravate climate change and endanger our communities.
Media contacts:
Clemente Bautista, People's Action on Climate Change (PACC), email: entengi2@yahoo.com.ph; cell phone: +45 2639 2749
Ines Martins, Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis, email: ines@laohamutuk.org; cell phone: +45 5274 8769
Siti Maemunah, CSF Indonesia, email: mai@jatam.org; cell phone +45 5049 9567
Penchom Saetang, Thai Working Group for Climate Justice (TCJ), email: toxiccampaign.earth@gmail.com; cell phone: +45 2862 7267
Notes:
[i] Oilwatch SEA is a regional alliance of fossil fuels-affected communities and support organizations from Arakan Oil Watch from Burma; Indonesian Civil Society Forum on Climate Justice (CSF) and JATAM from Indonesia; Friends of the Earth from Malaysia; People’s Action on Climate Change (PACC), Kalikasan People's Network for the Environment (Kalikasan-PNE) and Central Visayas Fisherfolk Development Center Inc. from Philippines, Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis (La’o Hamutuk) from Timor Leste; and Thai Working for Climate Justice (TCJ) and Ecological Alert and Recovery – Thailand from Thailand.
[ii] Almost half of Indonesia coal production, - around 100 million tons - , was extracted by Bumi Resources mostly for export. The company Climate Justice (TCJ) and Ecological Alert and Recovery – Thailand from Thailand.
[iii] Today 80% of 216 million tons total coal product from Indonesia is aimed for export and the demand has been increasing over the year.
***********************************************************
La'o Hamutuk (The Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis)
P.O. Box 340, Dili, Timor-Leste (East Timor)
Telephone: +670-3325013 or +670-734-0965 mobile
email: cscheiner@igc.org website: http://www.laohamutuk.org skype: cscheiner
Copenhagen - 14 December 2009: We, members of Oilwatch Southeast Asia[i] and Indonesian Civil Society Forum for Climate Justice (CSF), declare our common position and demands on the current climate negotiation in COP 15 UNFCCC Copenhagen. We have witnessed the lack of leadership among industrial countries to significantly cut carbon emission let alone show their responsibility to support developing countries to tackle the impacts of climate change.
Southeast Asia is considered as one of the most vulnerable regions in the world to impacts of climate crisis. Most of the Southeast Asian countries are poor and majority of the population in the region live in deep poverty resulting to a very low capacity to adapt to climate change impacts. The location of the region poses high risk for disasters such as typhoons, droughts, earthquakes, and flooding.
We are disappointed that the negotiations in COP15 UNFCCC do not take into account the reality in the ground that fossil fuel exploitation by industrial countries have been going from strength to strength. Oil and gas projects of transnational corporations are mushrooming and demand for coal is increasing[ii].
Big foreign and private corporations such as Royal Dutch Shell, BHP Billiton, CNUOC, Chevron-Texaco, Amarada Hess, ConocoPhillips and Bumi Resources, are the same actors who plunder natural resources and pollute the environment[iii]. These big corporations control and exploit the rich natural resources of the region particularly fossil resources like oil, gas and coal. Also these entities with the support of international financial institutions like International Monetary Fund, World Bank and Asian Development Bank, are the owners and suppliers of fossil-based technologies and products that the people of Southeast Asian are forced to be dependent with.
Given the fact that burning and consumption of fossil fuels especially oil and coal is the leading cause of global carbon emission, we demand the national governments in Southeast Asia
· To agree on a common position to push for more than 40% carbon reduction from ANNEX I countries by 2020 from the level of 1990.
· To demand from ANNEX I countries to compensate Third World countries from ecological debt and fund their mitigation and adaptation initiatives
· To declare an immediate moratorium on new exploration and commercial operation of oil, gas and coal by big transnational companies in the region.
· To define a concrete timeline and comprehensive plan on eventual phase out of fossil fuel extraction and usage in the region.
In this regard there should be a significant investment on research and fast development of technologies that harness alternative and renewable resources of energy that are cheap, safe and clean. This is needed to make the economy and energy needs of Southeast Asia to veer away from relying on the production and consumption of fossil fuels. Majority of the income and revenues from the existing extraction of fossil fuel in the regions should be automatically appropriated for funding public services
We oppose the false solutions being implemented and pushed for by ANNEX I countries and their transnational corporations such as carbon trading, clean development mechanism, the proposed REDD and ‘clean’ coal technologies. These market-based and profit-oriented solutions put the interest of private corporations and ruling elite above anything else.
We push for the leaders of Southeast Asia countries to unite for truly address the issue of climate change and curb global warming. There should be a reversal of the orientation and framework of economic development and production in the region. In this regard, climate solutions should be based on human security, rectification of ecological debt, land rights, the change of production and consumption pattern, to realize social justice and people’s sovereignty.
These principles ensure in the heart of climate solutions are the welfare and interest of the people and the environment.
The Oilwatch Southeast Asia, CSF, PACC, La’o Hamutuk and TCJ remain committed not only in pushing for genuine climate solutions but also in steadfastly fight along with grassroots communities against agreement, policies, program and projects that will further aggravate climate change and endanger our communities.
Media contacts:
Clemente Bautista, People's Action on Climate Change (PACC), email: entengi2@yahoo.com.ph; cell phone: +45 2639 2749
Ines Martins, Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis, email: ines@laohamutuk.org; cell phone: +45 5274 8769
Siti Maemunah, CSF Indonesia, email: mai@jatam.org; cell phone +45 5049 9567
Penchom Saetang, Thai Working Group for Climate Justice (TCJ), email: toxiccampaign.earth@gmail.com; cell phone: +45 2862 7267
Notes:
[i] Oilwatch SEA is a regional alliance of fossil fuels-affected communities and support organizations from Arakan Oil Watch from Burma; Indonesian Civil Society Forum on Climate Justice (CSF) and JATAM from Indonesia; Friends of the Earth from Malaysia; People’s Action on Climate Change (PACC), Kalikasan People's Network for the Environment (Kalikasan-PNE) and Central Visayas Fisherfolk Development Center Inc. from Philippines, Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis (La’o Hamutuk) from Timor Leste; and Thai Working for Climate Justice (TCJ) and Ecological Alert and Recovery – Thailand from Thailand.
[ii] Almost half of Indonesia coal production, - around 100 million tons - , was extracted by Bumi Resources mostly for export. The company Climate Justice (TCJ) and Ecological Alert and Recovery – Thailand from Thailand.
[iii] Today 80% of 216 million tons total coal product from Indonesia is aimed for export and the demand has been increasing over the year.
***********************************************************
La'o Hamutuk (The Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis)
P.O. Box 340, Dili, Timor-Leste (East Timor)
Telephone: +670-3325013 or +670-734-0965 mobile
email: cscheiner@igc.org website: http://www.laohamutuk.org skype: cscheiner
Tri-nation Timor Sea Cup ties Timor and NT
NTNews
Cup ties Timor and NT
December 15th, 2009
Football Federation president Francisco Ley
TERRITORY soccer will export its biggest tournament overseas next year.
The tri-nation Timor Sea Cup launched in Darwin in 2008 is scheduled to kick off in East Timor in May.
High-ranking Timorese and NT soccer officials met in Dili last week to discuss plans for the fledgling nation to host the biggest under-age tournament since its independence 10 years ago.
East Timor won the inaugural title after a clean-sweep of the Northern Territory and West Timor (Nusa Tenggara Timur).
Football Federation NT chief executive Bill Kostandas was delighted to hand the event over to the defending champions, offering his full support in organising and managing the under-21 tournament.
"This event is not only good for developing football relations but important to fostering a closer relationship with our closest neighbours," Kostandas said.
"That passion they have for the game over there is fantastic, you see it in every street with boys and girls of all ages wearing their favourite soccer shirts, be it Barcelona, Chelsea or AC Milan.
"The sort of reception we got from their Football Federation president Francisco Ley and general secretary Amandio de Araujo Sarmento tells me that we can look forward to a pretty special occasion."
Football ties between the NT and East Timor are set to become even closer with visiting NTIS scholarships being made available next year.
As the first intake of soccer players join the institute in the New Year, two athletes and coaches from East Timor will enjoy a month-long stint in Darwin.
There are also plans for the FFNT head office to host an administrator for four weeks. Kostandas said the deal would be a win win for all involved.
"As far as skill and professionalism of their players go, East Timor can teach us plenty. We can give back to them through infrastructure, operational and strategic matters."
http://www.ntnews.com.au/article/2009/12/15/109481_ntsport.html
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Cup ties Timor and NT
December 15th, 2009
Football Federation president Francisco Ley
TERRITORY soccer will export its biggest tournament overseas next year.
The tri-nation Timor Sea Cup launched in Darwin in 2008 is scheduled to kick off in East Timor in May.
High-ranking Timorese and NT soccer officials met in Dili last week to discuss plans for the fledgling nation to host the biggest under-age tournament since its independence 10 years ago.
East Timor won the inaugural title after a clean-sweep of the Northern Territory and West Timor (Nusa Tenggara Timur).
Football Federation NT chief executive Bill Kostandas was delighted to hand the event over to the defending champions, offering his full support in organising and managing the under-21 tournament.
"This event is not only good for developing football relations but important to fostering a closer relationship with our closest neighbours," Kostandas said.
"That passion they have for the game over there is fantastic, you see it in every street with boys and girls of all ages wearing their favourite soccer shirts, be it Barcelona, Chelsea or AC Milan.
"The sort of reception we got from their Football Federation president Francisco Ley and general secretary Amandio de Araujo Sarmento tells me that we can look forward to a pretty special occasion."
Football ties between the NT and East Timor are set to become even closer with visiting NTIS scholarships being made available next year.
As the first intake of soccer players join the institute in the New Year, two athletes and coaches from East Timor will enjoy a month-long stint in Darwin.
There are also plans for the FFNT head office to host an administrator for four weeks. Kostandas said the deal would be a win win for all involved.
"As far as skill and professionalism of their players go, East Timor can teach us plenty. We can give back to them through infrastructure, operational and strategic matters."
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
Journalists threaten to fight Indonesia censorship
Journalists threaten to fight Indonesia censorship
By ROD McGUIRK
Associated Press Writer
JAKARTA, Indonesia, Dec 14 (AP) - A journalists group threatened
Tuesday to fight a ban on the war movie "Balibo" with a constitutional
court challenge if the Indonesian government enforces its countrywide
prohibition.
Earlier this month, Indonesia's censorship board banned the screening
of the award-winning Australian movie, which depicts Indonesian
military atrocities in the East Timorese border town of Balibo in the
weeks before the 1975 invasion of the former Portuguese colony.
Since then, the Alliance of Independent Journalists has been showing
the movie in venues around the country, and sales of pirated DVDs are
flourishing without police interference in markets in the capital,
Jakarta.
Police spokesman Col. Untung Ketut Yoga said the government ban cannot
be enforced until police receive written confirmation of its terms
from the government.
Andreas Harsono, founder of the alliance, said the journalists will
lodge a constitutional court challenge if the government takes the
next step of enforcing the ban, which was instituted Dec. 1.
"This is all the legacy of the Suharto regime that we are trying to
scrap piece by piece," said Harsono, whose group began as an
underground free speech movement under the Suharto dictatorship, which
ended in 1998.
The movie, which claims to be based on a true story, depicts
Indonesian troops murdering five unarmed journalists in Balibo to
conceal Indonesia's involvement in East Timor ahead of the invasion.
The reporters were citizens of Britain, Australia and New Zealand.
Australian police have launched a war crimes investigation into the
incident. Indonesia maintains that the five were accidentally killed
in crossfire.
The Robert Connolly-directed movie, starring Anthony LaPaglia, was
withdrawn from the Dec. 4-12 Jakarta International Film Festival due
to the ban.
The constitutional court has lifted bans on five politically sensitive
films about East Timor and Indonesia's restive Aceh province that
prevented their screenings at the 2006 Jakarta film festival.
A lawyer who helped win those challenges, Christiana Chelsia Chan,
said she believed the Balibo ban was similarly unconstitutional.
Such a court challenge would be the first test of Indonesia's new film
censorship laws, passed in October. The laws are the first revision of
censorship regulations since the Suharto era.
Film festival director Lalu Roisamri, who submitted "Balibo" to the
censors, welcomed the prospect of the court appeal. He said freedom of
speech was going backward in Indonesia.
"I'm afraid so, because I think the government is paranoid," Roisamri
said.
Connolly said he had given copyright permission to the alliance to
screen his movie, but that the DVDs being sold in markets were
illegal. He said he had been "naively optimistic" that the government
censors would allow the movie to be screened at commercial cinemas.
"Indonesia is a democracy now, and certainly there is a whole
generation of people in Indonesia who are engaging in their past, as
you can see from the response to the film," Connolly said, referring
to the popularity of the pirated DVDs.
The censorship board said it banned the movie because of its
"questionable objectivity" and "potential to open old wounds."
The movie will be released worldwide next year.
Associated Press Writer Irwan Firdaus contributed to this report.
[This message was distributed via the east-timor news list. For info on how to subscribe send a blank e-mail to info@etan.org. To support ETAN see http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm ]
By ROD McGUIRK
Associated Press Writer
JAKARTA, Indonesia, Dec 14 (AP) - A journalists group threatened
Tuesday to fight a ban on the war movie "Balibo" with a constitutional
court challenge if the Indonesian government enforces its countrywide
prohibition.
Earlier this month, Indonesia's censorship board banned the screening
of the award-winning Australian movie, which depicts Indonesian
military atrocities in the East Timorese border town of Balibo in the
weeks before the 1975 invasion of the former Portuguese colony.
Since then, the Alliance of Independent Journalists has been showing
the movie in venues around the country, and sales of pirated DVDs are
flourishing without police interference in markets in the capital,
Jakarta.
Police spokesman Col. Untung Ketut Yoga said the government ban cannot
be enforced until police receive written confirmation of its terms
from the government.
Andreas Harsono, founder of the alliance, said the journalists will
lodge a constitutional court challenge if the government takes the
next step of enforcing the ban, which was instituted Dec. 1.
"This is all the legacy of the Suharto regime that we are trying to
scrap piece by piece," said Harsono, whose group began as an
underground free speech movement under the Suharto dictatorship, which
ended in 1998.
The movie, which claims to be based on a true story, depicts
Indonesian troops murdering five unarmed journalists in Balibo to
conceal Indonesia's involvement in East Timor ahead of the invasion.
The reporters were citizens of Britain, Australia and New Zealand.
Australian police have launched a war crimes investigation into the
incident. Indonesia maintains that the five were accidentally killed
in crossfire.
The Robert Connolly-directed movie, starring Anthony LaPaglia, was
withdrawn from the Dec. 4-12 Jakarta International Film Festival due
to the ban.
The constitutional court has lifted bans on five politically sensitive
films about East Timor and Indonesia's restive Aceh province that
prevented their screenings at the 2006 Jakarta film festival.
A lawyer who helped win those challenges, Christiana Chelsia Chan,
said she believed the Balibo ban was similarly unconstitutional.
Such a court challenge would be the first test of Indonesia's new film
censorship laws, passed in October. The laws are the first revision of
censorship regulations since the Suharto era.
Film festival director Lalu Roisamri, who submitted "Balibo" to the
censors, welcomed the prospect of the court appeal. He said freedom of
speech was going backward in Indonesia.
"I'm afraid so, because I think the government is paranoid," Roisamri
said.
Connolly said he had given copyright permission to the alliance to
screen his movie, but that the DVDs being sold in markets were
illegal. He said he had been "naively optimistic" that the government
censors would allow the movie to be screened at commercial cinemas.
"Indonesia is a democracy now, and certainly there is a whole
generation of people in Indonesia who are engaging in their past, as
you can see from the response to the film," Connolly said, referring
to the popularity of the pirated DVDs.
The censorship board said it banned the movie because of its
"questionable objectivity" and "potential to open old wounds."
The movie will be released worldwide next year.
Associated Press Writer Irwan Firdaus contributed to this report.
[This message was distributed via the east-timor news list. For info on how to subscribe send a blank e-mail to info@etan.org. To support ETAN see http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm ]
Tuesday, 15 December 2009
Contribute to education,employment and enviroment in East Timor
Dear All Reader
At the moment we have launch a new webiste for carbonxchange for more detail please Visit
www.carbonxchange.net.au
Your Contribution is very significant to our country.
At the moment we have launch a new webiste for carbonxchange for more detail please Visit
www.carbonxchange.net.au
Your Contribution is very significant to our country.
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste No. 1
Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
No.1 Friday, December 11, 2009
The Security Sector Reform Monitor is a quarterly publication that tracks developments and trends in the ongoing security sector reform (SSR) processes of five countries: Afghanistan, Burundi, Timor-Leste, Haiti and Southern Sudan. This inaugural issue of the Security Sector Reform Monitor, Timor-Leste, will cover sector-wide developments and trends, but will focus predominantly on police reform.
Download from here http://www.cigionline.org/publications/2009/12/security-sector-reform-monitor-timor-leste
INTRODUCTION
In mid-2006, large parts of Timor-Leste’s security sector collapsed and the fledgling nation lurched toward civil war. The country’s police (Polícia Nacional de Timor Leste - PNTL) and military (Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste - F-FDTL) were at best incapable of controlling, and at worst complicit in fomenting crime and lawlessness, requiring the government to request an Australian-led peacekeeping force and international policing presence to restore public order.
The tragic events of April–June 2006—in which 37 died in the violence and over 150,000 were driven from their homes—laid bare the dysfunctions of the security sector. “The Crisis,” as the events of 2006 are now known, revealed that there was little substance to many parts of the security sector beyond uniforms and weapons. It became clear that Timor-Leste required a comprehensive and far-reaching security sector reform (SSR) process.
There have been significant changes in the Timorese security sector since 2006, not all of which have been positive. After nearly three years of executive policing authority, the United Nations Police (UNPOL) has begun a staged handover to national authorities. There has also been a marked improvement in relations between the PNTL and F-FDTL. The return to national control of the police is a welcome development as it demonstrates the growing legitimacy of the country’s security institutions and increasing local ownership over the SSR process. However, it comes with some risk; it was the Timorese government’s mismanagement of the security sector that led to the 2006 crisis. Although this edition of the Security Sector Reform Monitor: Timor-Leste will cover sector-wide developments an
Introduction 1
Historical Background of the Security Sector 2
Security Environment 4
The United Nations and SSR 6
Policing 6
Justice Sector 10
Armed Forces 10
Conclusion 11
Works Cited 12
CTF is a step in the right direction: Portuguese official
Monday, December 14, 2009 8:06 PM
CTF is a step in the right direction: Official
Mon, 12/14/2009 3:33 PM | World
Portugal's secretary of state for foreign affairs and cooperation Joao Gomes Cravinho was in Indonesia last week to attend the second Bali Democracy Forum (BDF). The Jakarta Post's Lilian Budianto talked to him about the progress of democracy in Asian countries and the growing relations between Indonesia and Portugal, former foes who fought many diplomatic battles over the Timor Leste issue in the past. Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Question: What is your interest in the Bali Democracy Forum?
Answer: Portugal is not part of the region, but we think the Indonesian experience of promoting democracy over the last 10 years is a very interesting experience that should be shared.
The realization of this forum in Bali as a regular event is part of a process of international promotion of democracy that we feel very comfortable with. Portugal recently has the presidency of the Community of Democracy, which is a worldwide organization of democratic countries that promotes mechanisms for democracy. We ourselves have had the experience of a transition to democracy: We were under a dictatorship until 35 years ago, and in 1974-1975 we went through the transition to democracy. One thing we think we share with Indonesia is the approach to the promotion of democracy, which is not dogmatic, one-size-fits-all, the recognition that the world is diverse and paths to democracy are different because they are based on different historical experiences.
At the same time, we also believe in the same fundamental values, values that are encapsulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And so the trick we all have to try to achieve is, I think, how to find and help other countries find their paths to democracy without compromising on the universal values. Indonesia and Portugal try to do that and that is something we share and that is why I thought it was important for us to be present at the Bali Democracy Forum.
We are looking forward to the next few years. We have relaunched our relations with Indonesia. We say relaunched because in 2011 we will celebrate the fifth century of the first contact between Portugal and Indonesia. Portuguese sailors first came here in 1511 and that experience is very important to our history. It has been a very profound exchange; we gained a lot from Indonesia and we left some legacies here in Indonesia. And we would like to use this moment of five centuries *of contact* as an excuse to celebrate the past and to think of how to use the past as a building block for future relations.
In business terms, our relations are much smaller than they should be; we have lots of opportunities for Portuguese and Indonesian businessmen to get together. What we mean to say is, we have this cultural legacy and historical knowledge of each other; we have no political problems. The issue of Timor Leste was an issue that divided us for some years but that issue has been resolved through close and intense diplomacy between us and has left us a sense that we can work well together.
You mentioned that Portugal and Indonesia have already resolved the issue of Timor Leste. However, the UN has reiterated the importance of bringing the perpetrators of human rights violations during Timor Leste's referendum to justice. How do you see this?
This is a very important issue. Point number one is that what is fundamental is the promotion of good relations between Timor Leste and Indonesia. Portugal will always work toward the consolidation of good relations. The second point is we believe that impunity, in abstract terms, is not a solution for the problems of any country in the long run. But we know this is a complex process that must go at the right speed, sometimes an excessive desire to find a solution that is 100 percent right can derail the process. We understand there is a complex process of transformation going on inside Indonesian society. Timor Leste itself is a new country trying to understand its complex heritage and we would not be interested in creating circumstances that will derail these delicate processes. But the future must be toward the path of justice, because only toward the path of justice will we find true and long-lasting reconciliation.
How does the government of Portugal see the results of the Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF)?
We think it is a part of the process. What has happened so far is not something that will resolve for the rest of eternity issues that need to be worked on over the years. We think it is a step in the right direction and that other steps will undoubtedly come when the time is right.
Does Portugal see Indonesia as a bridge builder to establish better relations with other Southeast Asian countries?
I have visited Indonesia several times and but this is only my second time in Jakarta, and I have been quite struck by the Indonesian approach to foreign policy, which has emerged quite strongly in recent times and I think it has quite an ambitious foreign policy for the next few years. I am struck by the way Indonesia is emerging as a bridge-building nation because Portugal also looks at itself as a bridge-building country in international politics.
I think, Indonesia is creating for itself a very strong foreign policy. The emergence of Indonesia as a country that is listened to by the Arab world, by East Asia, in the UN, is capable internally of promoting consensus and mechanism-finding as a sense of shared values in a diverse society. This is something we admire; we hope Indonesia will be successful in consolidating this in the international arena.
Do you have any concerns in building relations with Indonesia?
Politically, we have no problems between us. We have to work more in the economic field. Culturally, we have a heritage we need to know how to celebrate and use for the future.
Indonesia has managed *itself* remarkably and, particularly in this region, Indonesia can stand out as a lighthouse to say we have managed something which is very difficult, and to show others can do this too if they are guided by the right principles.
etanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetanetan
Support ETAN in 2010! To make a contribution go to http://etan.org/etan/donate.htm Thank you for your support.
John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
CTF is a step in the right direction: Official
Mon, 12/14/2009 3:33 PM | World
Portugal's secretary of state for foreign affairs and cooperation Joao Gomes Cravinho was in Indonesia last week to attend the second Bali Democracy Forum (BDF). The Jakarta Post's Lilian Budianto talked to him about the progress of democracy in Asian countries and the growing relations between Indonesia and Portugal, former foes who fought many diplomatic battles over the Timor Leste issue in the past. Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Question: What is your interest in the Bali Democracy Forum?
Answer: Portugal is not part of the region, but we think the Indonesian experience of promoting democracy over the last 10 years is a very interesting experience that should be shared.
The realization of this forum in Bali as a regular event is part of a process of international promotion of democracy that we feel very comfortable with. Portugal recently has the presidency of the Community of Democracy, which is a worldwide organization of democratic countries that promotes mechanisms for democracy. We ourselves have had the experience of a transition to democracy: We were under a dictatorship until 35 years ago, and in 1974-1975 we went through the transition to democracy. One thing we think we share with Indonesia is the approach to the promotion of democracy, which is not dogmatic, one-size-fits-all, the recognition that the world is diverse and paths to democracy are different because they are based on different historical experiences.
At the same time, we also believe in the same fundamental values, values that are encapsulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And so the trick we all have to try to achieve is, I think, how to find and help other countries find their paths to democracy without compromising on the universal values. Indonesia and Portugal try to do that and that is something we share and that is why I thought it was important for us to be present at the Bali Democracy Forum.
We are looking forward to the next few years. We have relaunched our relations with Indonesia. We say relaunched because in 2011 we will celebrate the fifth century of the first contact between Portugal and Indonesia. Portuguese sailors first came here in 1511 and that experience is very important to our history. It has been a very profound exchange; we gained a lot from Indonesia and we left some legacies here in Indonesia. And we would like to use this moment of five centuries *of contact* as an excuse to celebrate the past and to think of how to use the past as a building block for future relations.
In business terms, our relations are much smaller than they should be; we have lots of opportunities for Portuguese and Indonesian businessmen to get together. What we mean to say is, we have this cultural legacy and historical knowledge of each other; we have no political problems. The issue of Timor Leste was an issue that divided us for some years but that issue has been resolved through close and intense diplomacy between us and has left us a sense that we can work well together.
You mentioned that Portugal and Indonesia have already resolved the issue of Timor Leste. However, the UN has reiterated the importance of bringing the perpetrators of human rights violations during Timor Leste's referendum to justice. How do you see this?
This is a very important issue. Point number one is that what is fundamental is the promotion of good relations between Timor Leste and Indonesia. Portugal will always work toward the consolidation of good relations. The second point is we believe that impunity, in abstract terms, is not a solution for the problems of any country in the long run. But we know this is a complex process that must go at the right speed, sometimes an excessive desire to find a solution that is 100 percent right can derail the process. We understand there is a complex process of transformation going on inside Indonesian society. Timor Leste itself is a new country trying to understand its complex heritage and we would not be interested in creating circumstances that will derail these delicate processes. But the future must be toward the path of justice, because only toward the path of justice will we find true and long-lasting reconciliation.
How does the government of Portugal see the results of the Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF)?
We think it is a part of the process. What has happened so far is not something that will resolve for the rest of eternity issues that need to be worked on over the years. We think it is a step in the right direction and that other steps will undoubtedly come when the time is right.
Does Portugal see Indonesia as a bridge builder to establish better relations with other Southeast Asian countries?
I have visited Indonesia several times and but this is only my second time in Jakarta, and I have been quite struck by the Indonesian approach to foreign policy, which has emerged quite strongly in recent times and I think it has quite an ambitious foreign policy for the next few years. I am struck by the way Indonesia is emerging as a bridge-building nation because Portugal also looks at itself as a bridge-building country in international politics.
I think, Indonesia is creating for itself a very strong foreign policy. The emergence of Indonesia as a country that is listened to by the Arab world, by East Asia, in the UN, is capable internally of promoting consensus and mechanism-finding as a sense of shared values in a diverse society. This is something we admire; we hope Indonesia will be successful in consolidating this in the international arena.
Do you have any concerns in building relations with Indonesia?
Politically, we have no problems between us. We have to work more in the economic field. Culturally, we have a heritage we need to know how to celebrate and use for the future.
Indonesia has managed *itself* remarkably and, particularly in this region, Indonesia can stand out as a lighthouse to say we have managed something which is very difficult, and to show others can do this too if they are guided by the right principles.
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John M. Miller, National Coordinator
East Timor & Indonesia Action Network (ETAN)
PO Box 21873, Brooklyn, NY 11202-1873 USA
Phone: +1-718-596-7668 Mobile phone: +1-917-690-4391
Email john@etan.org Skype: john.m.miller
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